M11U4A1 Research Proposal Final

Research Proposal

 

Chapter 1: Introduction

 

Statement of the Problem

The principle of gender indistinguishability in printed literature – which is achieved by citing the surname, usually combined with only the first letter of the forename(s) – initially appears to be completely objective or neutral and therefore desirable for scientific purposes. On the other hand, it is hypothesized that the practice of using non-sex specific, conventional, scientific referencing to make women appear to be indistinct from men does not actually eliminate – nor does it contribute to transforming – the current stereotype of male dominance and prestige, and majority male participation in academics and research. Rather, this convention simply renders invisible women’s participation in academics and research. This study aims to demonstrate that rendering females indistinguishable (from males) or invisible in printed literature is actually counterproductive in terms of improving equal perception of females in academia and in destroying existing negative societal stereotypes about them.

 

Introduction

Need for Accurate and Straightforward Referencing

A fundamental aspect of any scientific domain is an accurate and uncomplicated referencing system for resources. The question of how to quote a resource is usually viewed as something straightforward, simple and objective. Traditionally, the choice of format for citing of resources has been decided arbitrarily by academic associations such as the American Psychological Association (A.P.A.), among others, who then disseminate these conventions and compel mandatory adherence to them.

All Systems Exist within Constraints of Society

However, the fact that every scientific domain exists within the societal context, and the realization that the format in which a resource is referenced influences and is influenced by societal predispositions, should lead academic societies to reevaluate the appropriateness of the arbitrary resource citing conventions currently in practice. Changes over time in gender roles, in how women are viewed, and in the level of female participation and or recognition in scientific domains may warrant a change in how resources are quoted in order to better reflect this evolution and to continue to progress these trends.

Professional Responsibility to Eliminate Bias

It is researchers’ duty to question whether established referencing formats in current employ are in fact the best ones for meeting the needs of contemporary society and for promoting modern ideals of equality, fairness and impartiality. Every system invented for and exploited by humans exists within human society. Extrapolating from this theme, even a purported ‘impartial’ scientific system may be subject to inherent bias or may simply result in biased outcomes or conclusions when utilized in conjunction with human frailties and prejudices. To safeguard the integrity of our systems and conventions, researchers have a moral obligation to ensure that any system employed in the gathering or compilation of data and resources has minimal influence on (i) the content, (ii) the selection criteria and (iii) the actual selection of these resources. Thus, the onus is on researchers to identify these systemic biases and eradicate them or at least to simply adjust the system to compensate for them in some way. To this end, the contribution and input of female researchers at all stages of the design process of a future referencing system – from rooting out any partiality, to its format and implementation – is not only crucial but will undoubtedly also prove insightful and transformational.

 

Focus of this Paper

For the purposes of this research paper, the focus will be on the arbitrary customary method in which authors’ names are mentioned in printed scientific publications. Using the American Psychological Association’s (A.P.A.) format as the standard, this is how author references are currently formatted:

  • For a resource quoted within a paragraph: Surname (Year of Publication) or (Surname, Year of Publication), e.g.

Thompson (2004) or (Thompson, 2004)

  • For resources listed within a bibliography: Surname, Initial Letter of Forename(s). (Year of Publication). Title. e.g.

Thompson, A. (2004). Gentlemanly Orthodoxy: Critical Race Feminism, Whiteness Theory, and the APA Manual. Educational Theory, vol. 54, (issue 1), p. 2.

Since this study is aimed at a Western, English-speaking audience, the focus will be exclusively on the effect of surname-only citation practices for surnames and forenames of Western European origin, particularly those whose origins trace back to the British Isles or names which are in commonly found in present-day Britain. Moreover, more specifically, this study will be constrained mostly to what are known as ‘traditional proper names’ (e.g. Robert in place of Rob; Evelyn in place of Evie) and ‘British’ family names that are of English language etymology or that are in frequent employ in the contemporary English-speaking world (e.g. Smith, Baker, Jones, etc.). In keeping with this choice to utilize proper names, analysis of nicknames will be avoided as much as possible. This decision is taken based on observational evidence which appears to indicate that nicknames may display a higher propensity to become gender neutral or unisex in their current use than traditional proper names. For example:

Table 1. Examples of Unisex Nicknames.

Boy’s Forename Girl’s Forename Frequent Nickname (Unisex)
Samuel Samantha Sam
Alexander Alexandra Alex
Andrew Andrea Andy
Patrick Patricia Pat
Christopher Christina Chris

 

Background

Logic behind Challenging Surname-only Referencing

It is worth underscoring that in the majority of cultures, and certainly in English-speaking and European-derived cultures, the way a female is distinguished from a man by name is mainly in terms of the forename(s) she is assigned at birth. In European and English-speaking cultures certain forenames are used for males, certain are used for females and a small number of forenames are unisex or gender neutral. Representative of this is that, according to Gender Checker (www.GenderChecker.com), of the 102,000 unique given names found in the United Kingdom in 2011, 45% were male only, 48% were female only, and 7% were unisex. This particularity – of the first given name being the unique marker of femininity in naming – is supported by the fact that the tradition throughout many centuries was for females to ‘take on’ the name of their father or husband, conserving merely their given names for specific identification purposes. Even in contemporary society this tradition persists and thrives: the majority of women in modern Britain and much of the English-speaking world change their family name to that of their husband upon marriage. Furthermore, by default the children of the union all carry merely their father’s last name, the mother’s family name being completely absent as an officially inherited name. What this means is that family names still have a greater association with maleness and masculinity than with femaleness and femininity. Males are still the owners and bestowers of family names. Notwithstanding this observation, standard quotation systems give the impression that they deem surname-only references to be the most objective or neutral citation format available. It may even be accurate to claim that one of the main principles in modern resource referencing systems may be the indistinguishability of female researchers or authors from male authors – an abstruseness of gender which is accomplished by using surname-only references. At first glance, this lack of differentiation may appear to be both justifiable and desirable. Contrariwise, it shall soon be made clear that family names carry within them specific indicators of maleness that cannot be easily eradicated or ignored and whose role should not be downplayed in terms of their psychological impact and the extent to which they contribute to readers’ eventual gender assumptions about the author carrying each surname.

Origins of Assumptions of Maleness from Surnames

With respect to the origins of family names, last names or surnames, many simply refer to the original bearer of the name, they are simply the first name of the ancestor in question. E.g. Thomas; Arnold; Henry; William, Cameron, Phillip, Adam. Such last names have been adapted from their role as a male’s first name and passed from father to children [patrilineally] as the family name. Other surnames mention the original bearer of the name: they contain within them the acknowledgement that the bearer being the son of someone. For example:

Table 2. Examples of Surnames Referring to a Familial Relationship

Surname Refers to Meaning
Benson Ben / Ben’s Ben’s son
Ericson Eric / Eric’s Eric’s son
Peterson Peter / Peter’s Peter’s son
Williamson William / William’s William’s son
Williams William’s of / belonging to William
Phillips Phillip’s of / belonging to Phillip
Adams Adam’s of / belonging to Adam

Unfortunately, females did not hold much status is terms of naming, which is why there are no last names formed by combining ‘daughter’ with the father’s name. Furthermore, males were usually the ones who traditionally held professions and trades and who were the main ‘breadwinners’ or financial support for the family. Concerning this, where the family name is derived from the word for a trade or occupation, the occupation would have referred to that of the male or males in the family or household. This is why we find the surname ‘Taylor’ but not ‘Seamstress’. Other commonplace last names indicative of their original bearer’s profession are: Smith, Porter, Miller, Mason, Cook, Barber, Fisher. Throughout history and to some extent today, men were regarded as the ‘head of the household’. Where the surname originated from a place name, it would be indicative of the male household head’s place of origin (or the unmarried female’s father’s place of origin). E.g. Brooke; Greene; Banks; Townsend, meaning Town’s end; French; Holland; Moore (i.e. the Moor); English; Scott; etc. Following on from the practice of the man being the head of the family, males were deemed the ‘bearers’ of the family name (or surname, as we often refer to it today). A woman was and still is usually called “the mistress of [her husband’s family name]” or ‘Mrs’. For this reason, women took – and to great extent still take – the last name of their spouse. Whereas, the reverse occurrence – where a man takes his wife’s family name and deletes his own surname from his name – is exceedingly rare. Most present-day men are forcefully opposed to this idea and at most might concede that both parties take on a hyphenation of their combined last names, e.g. Smith-Jones. In addition to this, the default is for children of the union to inherit their father’s surname. It is important to point out that this reason alone – that surnames are regarded as owned by men and passed on by men – suffices to explain why it is more usual to call males by their last name only, and females by their first name only, since this is the only name which is likely to be consistent for the female throughout her lifetime, the only name she truly ‘owns’ by the current social standards and practices. Notwithstanding, as women assume greater individual renown, and gain prestige and acclaim independent (from their male work partners, fathers and spouses) within professional and academic realms, society may now be getting closer to accepting the idea of matrilineal naming for children. Even so, this latter is not the purport of this study.

Given that patrilineal naming history intricately associates last names with males, it is unsurprising to discover that dissociating surnames from men and from concepts of manhood and maleness may be more complicated to achieve than simply spreading its scope to include women. On the surface, this may function, but, as various studies have shown, (Atir and Ferguson, 2018; Knobloch-Westerwick, Glynn and Huge, 2013) subconsciously, in spite of everything, readers may be assuming authors quoted by last name only are men (whether or not they are) and in practice far fewer women are referred to in conversation by surname only as compared to men. Resulting from this, the employment of the family name alone as a means of address for women has not been entirely successful in its spread. In other words, family names have not been transformed to incorporate concepts of womanhood and femaleness. This suggests that another tactic should be undertaken in order to transform the current preconceptions about perceived surname ‘ownership’ from males to females. One path forward may be to make females’ presence more visible, and not indistinct to that of males since, for historical and metacognitive reasons, the male presence will always be perceived as manifest within a family name.

 

Synopsis of What Surnames Bring to Mind

In summary, there are concrete linguistic, historic, connotative and social markers [metacognitive markers], as mentioned above, that are contained within last names themselves and or found in the ways in which surnames are utilized in English-speaking societies which allude to a male presence in most surnames. If one takes for granted that last names already automatically denote a male presence on some level, the only way to change this perception of maleness may be to make the female presence obvious. Then, simply including the first names of all authors may go a long way towards accomplishing this goal because for many English names, the forename is the unique marker of the feminine sex. Nevertheless, this goal may also be achieved in other ways. Another means of accomplishing this may be to include Mr. and Ms. (the latter of which is the neutral civil status term for addressing women) within all bibliographical references.

Note that ‘Ms.’, pronounced [miz], refers to a woman of any civil status. This may be a woman who has never been married (more precisely ‘Miss’), or to a married woman (more precisely ‘Mrs.’), or to a divorced woman. The use of ‘Ms.’ has come into favor in modern times because, like ‘Mr.’ for men, it may be used to represent a woman of any civil status. In this fashion, it does not necessitate one investigating or divulging the woman’s civil status – something that many consider personal and moreover irrelevant, especially in the professional sphere – in order to address the woman directly. Any ‘Miss’ may be called ‘Ms.’ without offense and any ‘Mrs.’ may be called ‘Ms.’ without offense, any female Dr. may be called ‘Ms.’ without offense. Since a female doctor was and is a woman and will always be one regardless of their professional status as a doctor, there should also be no offense received or perceived in calling a female Dr. ‘Ms.’ or a male Dr. ‘Mr.’.

 

Details of Proposed Changes

Full Name Referencing is More Accurate

Requiring that all authors be referenced by their full names and not just by their surname and the initials of their forenames is the simpler and easier tack for changing the current name citing convention. However, it should be underlined that this is in fact the less efficient pathway for tackling the gender discrimination problem because despite the fact that full names simultaneously allow for more accuracy in terms of author identification, it does not take into consideration authors whose names do not following English language naming conventions, e.g. Li, Shunlai [male]; Ho, Fang [female]. Most English-speakers would be unable to identify the sex of the authors with either of the two names quoted above, one of which is Mandarin Chinese and the other is Cantonese Chinese. For example, compare the formats for referencing the following names.:

Table 3. Comparison of Conventional versus Full Name Referencing and Formal Address

Conventional Referencing Referencing by Full Name Referencing by Full Name and by Formal Address
Lewis, L. Lewis, Lily Lewis, Lily (Ms.)
Lloyd, H. Lloyd, Harrison Lloyd, Harrison (Mr.)
Marshall, N. Marshall, Naomi Marshall, Naomi (Ms.)
Martin, Z. Martin, Zachary Martin, Zachary (Mr.)
Mason, Y. Mason, Yvonne Mason, Yvonne (Ms.)
Mills, E. Mills, Emma Mills, Emma (Ms.)
Mitchell, P. Mitchell, Patrick Mitchell, Patrick (Mr.)
Moore, G. Moore, Grace Moore, Grace (Ms.)
Murphy, K. Murphy, Kieran Murphy, Kieran (unisex, viz. Mr.)
Shaw, J. Shaw, Jaden Shaw, Jaden (unisex, viz. Ms.)
Smith, A. Smith, Alfred Smith, Alfred (Mr.)
Spencer, Y. Spencer, Yohan Spencer, Yohan (Mr.)

‘A. Matthews’ could be anyone from Aaron Matthews to Azaria Matthews. Native English-speakers will be familiar with most of the popular first names and be able to immediately identify the sex of each person referenced from them, unless the given name is unisex. In connection with this, the table above demonstrates that simply including the full names of all authors goes a long way towards permitting identification of the sex of most authors through their given names, provided they have English names. However, to make the author’s gender even more explicit, the reference could include the address ‘Mr.’ or ‘Ms.’. For all that, there is no reason why both these methods could not be employed simultaneously to further elucidate identity and gender.

Full Names and Titles of Respect are Most Precise

Undoubtedly, quoting the full name and putting the formal male or female address form or titles of respect following the name (or in brackets after it) is the most precise way to refer to someone and will make gender clear regardless of the linguistic origin of the surnames and forenames. In other words, the best practice might well be to reference full names and to add ‘Mr.’ and ‘Ms.’ to all references. This solution actually resolves the question of how sex would be identified in the case of first names of foreign, non-English language, origin. Using the formal male and female status neutral salutation terms of ‘Mr.’ and ‘Ms.’ thus appears to resolve those cultural issues. For example:

  • For within a paragraph: Forename Surname (Year of Publication) or (Forename Surname, Year of Publication)

Ms. Michelle L. Dion, Ms. Jane Lawrence Sumner and Ms. Sara McLaughlin (2018)

(Ms. Michelle L. Dion, Ms. Jane Lawrence Sumner & Ms. Sara McLaughlin, 2018)

  • For the bibliography: Surname, Forenames Mr./Ms. (Year of Publication). Title.

Atir, Stav Ms. & Ferguson, Melissa J. Ms. (2018). How Gender Determines the Way We Speak About Professionals. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, vol. 115, pp. 7278-7283.

Atir, Stav (Ms.) & Ferguson, Melissa J. (Ms.) (2018). How Gender Determines the Way We Speak About Professionals. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, vol. 115, pp. 7278-7283.

Admittedly, pertaining to the question of the choice of name referencing systems to employ, it may indeed be quite difficult to determine what (if any) citation style would be truly neutral in terms of gender preconceptions or prejudices. Furthermore, the most objective format may not necessarily be the best format for transforming gender stereotypes, as we have seen with the A.P.A. referencing convention. Nonetheless, it is imperative that we make a concerted effort to right existing inequalities and strive to make a future choice of citation system as unbiased and fair as possible.

 

 

 

Chapter 2: Literature Review

 

Use of References

In the reference list for this paper, sources could be classed into three different categories. The first category is that of ‘principal references’. These are papers published in scientific journals within the last seven years that have been subjected to peer-review. The second category is that of ‘important older references’. This category of sources is similar to the first in that these are peer-reviewed, scientifically published papers. Its dissimilarity from the preceding category arises in that these references are significantly older – some dating back almost twenty-five years. Despite the age of these references, as a consequence of the dearth of materials available on this paper’s research topic, these older references have become integral to this current research paper. The third and last category of references is that of ‘additional references’. These are mostly online and public data sources covering demographical population statistics and dealing with the frequency of surnames and forenames. Such sources also served as a cornerstone for this research work since without this data it would be difficult if not impossible to compose a survey to assess the public’s perception of gender through names. Sources of all three of the classifications used in this study have been amalgamated and may be found within the References section, arranged in alphabetical order.

 

Patterns Observed in Published Studies

Men and Women are Similarly Biased

The most surprising pattern revealed in studies investigating persons’ tendency to assume male authorship for published works was that women and men behave similarly in terms of preferring men over women in terms of their choice of works to cite. In the research study by Dion, Lawrence Sumner and McLaughlin (2018), it was not clear to what extent the women and men surveyed may have been aware (or unaware) of the sex of the authors they were citing. With current referencing conventions i.e. where it requires some effort to discover the sex of the author of a source, it is quite possible that the authors’ genders were largely unknown to those citing their works. This might explain why both men and women writers displayed similar rates of quoting other male and female authors. Another noteworthy trend revealed from studies is that gender favoritism occurs at all levels of society and within every single social interaction, regardless of whether those acting or interacting are male or female. For this reason, it may be difficult to eliminate or diminish unfair practices caused by gender bias in academia. Three different studies support this conclusion: one by Kaatz and Carnes (2014); one by Savigny (2014); and another by Oreskes (1996). Looking at this claim from the perspective of daily life, one could take the instance where there are two equally qualified candidates for a position: one of which is a woman and the other is a man. Unfortunately, in many cases female voters may be predisposed to vote for the man. Women are therefore responsible for voting men into power or voting against women. This occurs as a consequence of the women who are voting not reflecting on the impact of their actions in the big picture. They respond to and satisfy their subconscious (though conditioned) feelings of greater comfort in having a man lead which result from their familiarity with such an arrangement from having seen it repeatedly throughout their lifetime. Some may argue that this is just personal preference, even so, this is how gender prejudice against females is also perpetrated by women: because women too have been brought up seeing and internalizing unequal structures and feel most at ease with that with which they are accustomed. Accordingly, women are no less susceptible to acting out on these ingrained prejudices than are men.

 

Issues Raised in Existing Literature

The study by Dion, Lawrence Sumner and McLaughlin (2018) raised the issue that making women distinguishable from men could be counterproductive because it could facilitate discrimination towards women. If it is obvious at a glance which author is a man and which is a woman, writers could choose to cite men (consciously or subconsciously) rather than women due to their own prejudices. This same study found that, in general, men are cited more frequently than women. In cases where men form the minority in terms of the numbers present in a particular domain, men are indeed cited less than women. All things equal, women do cite other women at a higher rate than men cite women. Be that as it may, men are still cited more than their percentage presence in any domain would lead one to expect. These trends are perpetrated and perpetuated by both men and women. This may imply that, perhaps when able to identify the author’s sex, women do make some concerted effort to quote women more frequently, whereas, men may be ignorant to the importance of trying to combat any kind of gender favoritism in the selection of their articles.

 

Constructive Criticism

Constructive criticism for this study might be that the researchers appear not to have enquired as to whether writers knew the gender of all the authors they were citing. This is relevant because with the current citing and referencing conventions being upheld, sex is not immediately apparent. As such, one may need to make a concerted effort to discover the gender of each author, perhaps by investigating to find out what the first names are, unless of course the authors themselves are already known to the writer. In other words, feedback on improving previous studies is that the initial question to ask is “Were the authors aware they were citing men or women when they cited them?”. In this way, it could be established whether women knew the sex of many of the authors they were citing and what bearing this knowledge may have had on women’s citation rates of other women.

Risks in Highlighting Women’s Presence

Another related issue mentioned in research by Atir and Ferguson (2018) and by Knobloch-Westerwick, Glynn and Huge (2013) is that making women unmistakably distinguishable from men could be counterproductive. This is because it could promote the tendency for men to appear more prestigious from the attitude taken towards male authors when their gender is known in contrast to how women are generally treated and referred to when their gender is known. Specifically, men tend to be mentioned by surname only, whereas women tend to be referred to by full name (i.e. first name and surname) or even sometimes by first name only.

To illustrate this, Hillary Clinton was often called merely ‘Hillary’ rather than ‘Clinton’. If one just says ‘Clinton’, most presume the person being mentioned is United States President Bill Clinton. As such, during the American presidential election Hillary Clinton was often cited simply with her first name ‘Hillary’. In contrast, her husband Bill, was rarely ever referred to simply as ‘Bill’. Taking talk show host Oprah Winfrey to serve as the figure of a woman who is independently famous (i.e. independently from any man). One may ask the question: How much more is she referred to as ‘Oprah’ rather than ‘Winfrey’? Now take the case of David Letterman, another famous talk show host. How much more is he referred to as Letterman than as David? When these trends are examined in conjunction with the fact that one of the main conclusions of the studies by Atir and Ferguson (2018) and by Knobloch-Westerwick, Glynn and Huge (2013) is: that the way we speak about others influences and is influenced by the way we think about them, we then realize how detrimental these everyday occurrences of sexism can be. As such, changing our approach and the way we speak about people so as to consciously decide how we will envisage them and how we will allow them to be perceived could make a substantial difference to the state of affairs. Some people may insist that it would be simplest to decide to call all people by their last name only – as is essentially done in the A.P.A. convention. Even so, it may be unrealistic to try to change centuries or perhaps millennia of tradition in men’s ownership of family names and this may lead to no adjustment in outcome. A more realistic approach might be to decide to refer to everyone by their full name and standardize that as the norm.

All the same, what is more damaging is that studies by Atir and Ferguson (2018) and Burbules (2013) have shown that being referred to by family name only (as men tend to be referred to) leads the audience to have a more prestigious impression of the person being discussed. Hence, there is a certain circularity in the prestige accorded to people who are cited by surname only. At very least, it could be drawn to the public’s attention that it is not as respectful to call women by first name only and that men are given unjustified prestige when referred to by only their last name. In this way, it may encourage the practice of talking about persons of all genders by only their full name. The latter study also touches on the topic of the Matthew Effect which is where work done receives greater acclaim when performed by a man compared to the level of recognition it would achieve had it (the same work) been conducted by a woman.

A critical caveat to this proposed study is that making females more visible may not actually do anything to dissociate surnames from concepts of maleness and may not lead to more women being cited or to greater recognition of women in scientific domains. A study by Knobloch-Westerwick, Glynn and Huge (2013) discusses the Matilda Effect where work done by and achievements made by women are attributed to men (either deliberately, or unintentionally and thoughtlessly). This, the Matilda Effect (or women being imagined to be men), is one of the main eventualities that this research paper wishes to avoid in making women’s presence more obvious in printed academic work.

 

Major Conclusions of Existing Literature

On the whole, existing literature on the topic of citation rates of men in contrast to women has brought forth the suggestion that it is crucial for women to contribute their thoughts and opinions to all scientific and academic structures, including citing conventions, organization of power and decisions on what is truly objective or neutral or not. (Research detailed in the following studies by Kaatz and Carnes (2014); Savigny (2014); Savigny (2017); and Oreskes (1996).) Some information sources insinuate that women may not have been contributing their fair share to the design of these structures and providing sufficient feedback on how established conventions may be affecting them. Apropos, it is essential that women be involved in the process of deciding on anything that affects them, and since everything affects them, women should be involved in all decision-making. In addition to this, every decision should be analyzed to determine whether or not it progresses, hinders or retrogresses ideals of gender equity in academia, as this is the only manner in which these entrenched stereotypes can be eradicated or transformed.

 

Summary of Literature Review

In summary, gender favoritism and prejudices are implicit in every single social interaction, regardless of the gender of those involved. In order to transform the existing order and inequalities, gender bias must be first identified and acknowledged. Leaving blame out of the equation could assist in the acknowledgement of such prejudices, especially since research shows they are perpetrated by males and females alike. It is key to realize that lack of blame does not equate to lack of responsibility. Vis-à-vis, we must come up with strategies and techniques for combatting gender inequalities because if nothing is done to try to change the situation gender bias will continue to unfairly affect how people are perceived in terms of prestige and how much exposure they receive. Lastly, these ideas must be tried out to see if they will work as temporary or long-term solutions to reducing gender partiality. Although it may be difficult to decide on which referencing format to choose in order to promote ideals of gender equity and fairness, and even if citing full names may initially be counterproductive for females, any effort is better than just leaving the existing status quo intact. To this end, women should be integrally involved in contributing to solutions at every level of decision-making and implementation of structures.

 

 

 

Chapter 3: Methodology

 

Purpose

Thesis Topic

This study will endeavor to demonstrate that typical referencing practices (viz. those that utilize only surnames and forename initials) do not change the public’s mental stereotypes about researchers and academics being predominantly male. In fact, these practices may further contribute to mental assumptions of maleness, possibly erroneously attributing (at the subconscious level) some publications written by females to males in the readership’s eyes.

Investigating How Bias Influences Assumptions

This research study is being conducted in order to learn to what extent preconceived ideas enter into people’s assumptions about the gender of academic authors. Which is to say, “How much more do people of either sex tend to imagine that researchers are men rather than women?”. Various themes will be investigated during the course of this study.

 

Research Method

Data Collection Strategies

Responses will be collected on the supposed sex of a list of fictitious researchers. Each survey will contain two types of lists: one list where it will be impossible to know each researcher’s sex based on the way their name is provided, which is surname and first initial or initials (of forename), and a second list where the gender will be more or less obvious (to most native English-speakers) as the person’s full name will be provided, and respondents or participants can deduce the sex from most English given names. The responses for these two lists will be compared.

Data collection will be quantitative. The main data collection strategy will be to utilize surveys with binary responses (‘male’ or ‘female’) to questions. Respondents will simply tick one option or the other, presented side-by-side in two separate columns. This response format and the tick option means that participants will spend an absolute minimal amount of time answering whether each name is ‘male’ or ‘female’. Responding with a tick mark means that respondents spend less time answering than it would normally take them to write the letter ‘M’ or ‘F’. Moreover, the time interval for participants to answer is probably equivalent or even less than the time taken to circle a letter ‘M’ or ‘F’ within a multiple choice answer format. It is hoped that this rapid binary response option and method for recording the responses will force responders to record their instinctive automatic first response, which it is anticipated will reveal their inner or subconscious biases. The logic in this is that if participants require less time transferring their responses from their minds to the paper, this should translate to less time for them to reconsider or change their (initial) responses. Besides which, to further discourage participants [or respondents] from editing their first choice responses, responders will be supplied only with non-erasable pens. In this way, it is hoped that this quantitative data collection method will prove to be fairly objective.

Consistency of Sample Set

Unfortunately, no previously existing data has been found which specifically targets the phenomenon of gender misassignment based on ambiguous name referencing in academia. Consequently, the methodological constraints of the study have been designed in accordance with this researcher’s own judgment as to what would be relevant. It has been decided that it would be best to collect data from young adults and even from minors as these persons may reveal future trends of society’s gender assumptions and prejudices based on ambiguous name referencing and may have less experience of or exposure to societal gender biases as a result of their younger age. In other words, young adult participants’ gender standpoint may be more fluid and less entrenched than those of older persons. However, it is worth emphasizing that this opinion is simply a conjecture and may be completely misguided. Nonetheless, whether misguided or not, selecting younger responders should not significantly affect the reliability of the data collected. Specifically, the data set will be limited to participants between the ages of fifteen and forty-five years of age.

For ease of access to a quantity of willing participants from which to choose, and for the previously stated reason about using younger persons, the intention is to gather the data on a local university campus. In terms of the gender distribution among responders, the objective is to collect fifty complete [viable] surveys from males and fifty from females, totaling one hundred viable surveys. Unfortunately, should a potential participant declare themselves as transgender, they will be asked to choose the sex with which they feel they most closely identify. If they object to choosing a gender, they will be informed that this survey was not designed for and cannot accommodate participants of an uncertain gender: the purpose of this research is to discover whether existing preconceptions about gender in a certain context is dependent upon the sex of the responder. Obviously, if the responder has no gender, this would nullify the point of the research.

Additionally, the objective is to limit the useable sample to monolingual native English-speakers. The purpose of this objective is to control for the influence or interference of linguistic knowledge from other languages in participants’ answer choices. For instance, in Spanish, almost all words and names ending in the letter ‘o’ are masculine and those ending in ‘a’ are feminine. It may be surmised that a bilingual English and Spanish-speaker who is ignorant of the Greek myth about Odysseus and Calypso, might guess incorrectly that ‘Calypso’ is a boy’s name based on their Spanish linguistic knowledge of names ending in ‘o’ usually being masculine. Conversely, a monolingual English-speaker who is also ignorant of this Greek myth may have no such linguistic theory to interfere with their assumption that the name ‘Calypso’ is male or female, and similarly with girls’ names such as ‘Coco’, ‘Indigo’ or ‘Juno’. This hypothesis would also apply in an opposite exemplification for boy names ending in ‘a’. A monolingual English-speaker may see nothing usual about the boy’s names ‘Luca’, ‘Mica’, ‘Ezra’, ‘Aria’ and ‘Elijah’, whereas a Spanish-speaker might believe these were girl’s names because of the final ‘a’ or final ‘a’ sound. It is hoped that trying to reduce the interference of additional linguistic knowledge in this way will help maintain the validity of the data collected from the sample set. Still, since the university campus where the data will be collected is located in Hatfield, Hertfordshire, England, the United Kingdom, it is expected that most of the eligible responders will be of the following ethnicities: white English, black English and East Indian English [called Asian or South Asian in the U.K.]. Since only monolingual English-speaking respondents are eligible to participate, it is expected that the data set may consist in few or no first-generation or second-generation British citizens. But, a person’s citizenship is completely irrelevant to this survey; it is merely necessary that they be monolingual native English-speakers.

Summary of Sample Set

In summary, eligible participants for the sample set will be subject to the following constraints: They are constrained by age to persons between fifteen and forty-five years of age; by gender to persons who are able to choose a specific gender for themselves as male or female; and by language ability, to persons who speak English as their native language (whether British-English, Scottish-, Irish-, American-, Australian-, Caribbean- or any other type of English) and importantly, to persons who do not speak or know any additional languages.

 

 

Data Collection Tools

Design and Composition of Surveys

The surveys consist in lists of the names of an equal number of supposed* male and female researchers. (* ‘Supposed’: because the researchers’ names are in fact fictitious). Most human populations consist in an equal proportion of males to females, or roughly fifty percent females and fifty percent males. Although it might have been a bit more accurate to employ sex-specific and gender-neutral first names with the same frequency as they are shown to occur in the general population in the United Kingdom, viz. 48% female, 45% male, 7% unisex (as at 2011; current figures unknown); it is unjustifiable to possibly skew the results by having unequal numbers of males and females in the names lists on the survey, or worse, to possibly confuse respondents with too many unisex names. As such, the figures have been adjusted so that the same number of male and female forenames is utilized, both at 48%, and less unisex names are used, reduced to 4% with 2% female unisex and 2% male unisex first names. Which, in any case is consistent with the ratio of an equal number of males to females in the population. In this way, the reliability of the data collected should be safeguarded.

Please go to the Appendix to see the full progression towards the creation of the final lists used. The contents of the lists are names from the one hundred and fifty most common family names and first names in the United Kingdom as obtained through public data sources. Family names were chosen based on the criteria of having English linguistic origin. i.e. Family names of foreign language origins such as ‘Singh’, ‘Ahmed’, and ‘Begum’ would be excluded from the survey list even though they may be found within the leading one hundred plus surnames in Britain. The one hundred last names chosen were selected with little concern for including all letters of the English alphabet; they were simply the top family names. As such, several letters of the alphabet are missing from the list and several are repeated. Precisely, to increase the variety of last names drawn on, certain last names with several similar variations were also excluded based on the policy of not wanting to use too many similar last names for the list. Despite this latter policy, it was decided to leave some similar family names on the lists in order to preserve the validity of the sample of the hundred or so most frequent English surnames. Although some similar pairs made it onto the list, it was decided to pick only one surname in each of certain pairs or groups of similar family name, thereby reducing the number of similar pairs of last names on the survey and increasing the alphabetical range of the first letters of the surnames. (Specifically both Baker and Barker, Davies and Davis, Harris and Harrison, Thomas and Thompson were sourced as surnames in the lists even though the surnames in each pair are very similar. Whereas, only one name was employed from the groups of similar common surnames: Allan or Allen, Adam or Adams, Brown or Browne, Clark or Clarke, Cook or Cooke, Dixon or Dickinson, Green or Greene, Morris or Morrison, Richards or Richardson, Roberts or Robertson, William, Williams or Williamson.)

Since first names are rarely gender neutral, it was necessary to assign a sex prior to selecting each forename. Correspondingly, once the last names were chosen and arranged in decreasing frequency, a gender was assigned alternately down the list, starting with the male sex. In the part of the survey where only the first initial of the forename is used, it was still important to assign a gender to each researcher, even though the names are fabricated because it was felt that for the sake of greater authenticity each name should be as realistic as possible. It should also be stressed that the final order of the genders of the researchers invented for this study will be completely random, such that even if the responder were to go down the list assigning the alternate gender to each name, it is unlikely they will achieve a score with a high level of accuracy. It is precisely the assignment of gender at this early stage in the design of the survey that permits such a level of randomness to emerge on the ultimate list. (Please see the penultimate paragraph in this section of the Methodology for an explanation of the presentation of the finalized list after alphabetical sorting of surnames.)

Conversely as compared to surnames, forenames were selected with due consideration to including all the letters of the alphabet. This strategy of using the entire alphabet for the first names was decided on to ensure that the first names and first name initial letters would be quite diverse, but would still be sufficiently familiar to participants. The technique utilized to combine surnames and forenames was to list the top hundred-odd family names by decreasing frequency, then assign letters of the alphabet in sequential order to each family name, using the letters Q and X only once for each gender. The English alphabet has twenty-six letters. Thus, for the list of one hundred names it worked out that the alphabet was used four times (except for the letters Q and X which were availed of only twice). Once a letter of the alphabet was assigned to each surname, the most common first names for each respective letter of the alphabet were found for the relevant sex. From this pool of the leading given names, usually the most popular first name was chosen for each letter, unless the forename was clearly not of British origin or if it was not actually a proper name, in which case it was converted to a proper name. For instance, the leading boy’s first name was ‘Alfie’, but this is actually a nickname for ‘Alfred’, thus, ‘Alfred’ was utilized instead. By the same token ‘Oliver’ replaced ‘Ollie’; ‘Maxwell’, ‘Max’; ‘Charles’, ‘Charlie’; and ‘William’, ‘Will’. It was decided to leave ‘Nathan’ in place of ‘Nathaniel’ because, although, strictly speaking, ‘Nathan’ is a nickname, it has become so popular that it could now be judged a proper name. A similar judgement was made about the girl’s names ‘Bella’, the diminutive of ‘Isabella’, and ‘Katie’, the short form of ‘Katherine’, which have both also become proper names in their full right. Nevertheless, it was decided to convert ‘Bella’ to ‘Isabella’, but to leave ‘Katie’ as is. Other than these items, there were no top girl’s nicknames which needed to be converted into proper name format.

The last condition for choosing a name from the list of the most popular forenames for each letter and gender was that of having only a limited number of unisex forenames. All the same, rarely was the top first name for any letter of the alphabet gender neutral. Thus, it was necessary to specifically search out unisex first names with the aim of meeting the required percentage quota of forenames of ambiguous gender.

Another reason for employing this approach of using the entire alphabet to create the master list was in case certain letters may have connotations of a particular sex with certain participants. As a case in point, take ‘J’ connoting ‘Jay’, a boy’s name; or ‘B’ as short for ‘Beatrice’, a girl’s name, etc. This method was not utilized in choosing the last names because the surnames form the focus of this study – whose premise is that family names alone contain metadata alluding to maleness. It was therefore vital to draw from the one hundred or so most common English surnames with which all participants should be familiar.

Table 4. Extract from the Most Common English Surnames

  Most Common Surnames by Frequency First Initial Most Common First Names Gender
1 Smith A. Alfred M
2 Jones B. Bernadette F
3 Williams C. Charles M
4 Brown D. Daisy F
5 Taylor E. Edward M
6 Davies F. Florence F
7 Evans G. George M
8 Wilson H. Harriet F
9 Thomas I. Isaac M
10 Roberts J. Jessica F
11 Johnson K. Kevin M
12 Lewis L. Lily F
13 Walker M. Maxwell M
14 Robinson N. Nancy F
15 Wood O. Oliver M
16 Thompson P. Poppy F
17 White Q. Quin M/U
18 Watson R. Ruby F
19 Jackson S. Stuart M
20 Wright T. Terry F/U
21 Green U. Ulysses M
22 Harris V. Violet F
23 Cooper W. William M
24 King Y. Yvette F
25 Martin Z. Zachary M

Key: M means male; F means female; F/U means unisex name but the person it represents is female in this case; M/U means unisex name but the person it represents is male in this case.

Source: https://www.SoFeminine.co.uk

Notes: (1) Meaning of ‘Common English Surnames’: Names such as Patel, Lee, Khan, etc. were deleted from the list for name origin reasons because they are not of English linguistic origin. (2) Name deletions: Names such as William and Evan were deleted from the list for their similarity to Williams and Evans.

The final step in readying the lists for responders was to sort the surnames in ascending alphabetical order. In this way, the alphabetically assigned first names would now seem completely random, though varied and comprehensive, and the last names are simply in alphabetical order as one would expect for any bibliographical list.

Each participant will receive a double-sided sheet of paper containing a list of names flowing from one side to the other. The paper will contain names numbered from 1 to 50 on one side and 51 to 100 on the other. In this way, respondents know where to start. In addition to answering the implied question about the gender of the researchers named on the paper, responders will need to state at the top of the paper their sex, age, the languages they speak and their ethnicity. All participants will respond with their guess on the sex of the same one hundred named researchers. The only difference will be that different participants will do so based on seeing the first fifty names on the list in the format ‘Surname, Initial Letter of Forename’ and the last fifty names on the list in the format ‘Surname, Forename’ and another participant [or responder] will answer based on seeing the first fifty names on the list in the format ‘Surname, Forename’ and the last fifty names on the list in the format ‘Surname, Initial Letter of Forename’. The final survey sheets employed in this research study may be found in the Appendix.

 

Data Collection

Procedure for Data Collection

Data collection will be a one time occurrence. The data will be collected personally during one week at the university near the researcher’s residence, which is the University of Hertfordshire in Hatfield, Hertfordshire, England, in the United Kingdom. Permission to conduct the research may need to be obtained from the university’s dean or administrative staff. Clipboards and pens will be handed out to participants. The survey sheets were printed in a mixed fashion so that the person who takes the next survey sheet from the pile will do get a survey with the first set of names set out in a different format from the survey sheet of the previous person.

Sensitive Information Gathered

Certain sensitive information will be gathered from participants. This includes their gender, age, civil status, level of education, ethnicity, and finally, whether they speak any foreign languages and if so, which ones. In spite of this data being gathered, no additional personally identifying information such as name, date of birth, address, etc. will be collected from respondents, accordingly, there will be never be a means of relating any of the sensitive data to a specific person. A legend will be used to record this information.

Table 5. Key for Inputting Data into Excel Spreadsheet

A B C D E F G V
Age Batch Number Civil Status Degree Ethnicity Foreign Languages Spoken Gender Validity of Particular Survey Sheet
[any value between 15 to 45] Identifying number on the survey sheet V = single, never married 1 to 5 years of completed university B = black N = no F = female N = no
Date C = common law marriage H = high school diploma W = white Y = yes M = male Y = yes
Versions 1 to 4 of the survey sheet E = engaged to be married C = college diploma [a 2 to 3 year institution] Y = South East Asian (e.g. Chinese, Korean, Thai, Japanese, Vietnamese, etc.) [If Y, please specify which]
M = married B = bachelor’s degree I = East Indian or South Asian
S = separated M = master’s degree R = Aboriginal, Native American, Native Indian, First Nations or Pacific Islander
D = divorced D = doctorate [PhD] X = Mixed races or mixed ethnicities

Information Provided to Participants

Participants will be told only that the survey contains names of a list of researchers. In truth, all names listed are fictitious. Real researchers’ names will not be sourced, nor will reference titles be quoted in order to avoid influencing responders’ opinions based on such extraneous data, for instance, in the case where a participant may have heard of the researcher and is familiar with them. Be that at is may, it is absolutely critical to communicate clearly to all participants that all names on the list represent researchers. A study which evaluates responders’ tendency to assume any name is male or female would still be a beneficial study, but it would not elucidate the full extent to which persons of both sexes are predisposed to believe that an academic or a scientist is a man – which is the goal of this study. In the same vein, so far as possible, name combinations that would allude to some famous person or company will be avoided. As a case in point, some of the initial random surname and forename assignment combinations resulted in the names of famous people or clothing chains, e.g. the name ‘Samuel Jackson’ (American actor) was changed to ‘Stuart Jackson’; ‘Bella Jones’ (a French clothing company) was changed to ‘Bernadette Jones’; and ‘Henry Lloyd’ which is akin to ‘Henri Lloyd’ (a men’s clothing company), was changed to ‘Harrison Lloyd’.

Respondents will be provided two lists of fifty names in continuous ascending alphabetical order. Participants will be asked to decide on the gender of each researcher (or name) in the list. A sample size of at least one hundred useable surveys would be judged an acceptable initial sample size for the collection of data on this topic. Each survey will have one hundred responses: fifty responses where it will be impossible to know the researcher’s sex and fifty responses where either a gender-specific or gender-neutral first name is used. Responders will tick the relevant column, either ‘male’ or ‘female’ according to what they believe is the researcher’s sex. There will be no option for ‘unknown’. Respondents will be obliged to decide on a sex or not respond by leaving the response cell blank. Nonetheless, participants will be discouraged from leaving any cells blank. What is more, in order to offset any preference of choice that may arise from having the ‘male’ column first, there will be an equal number of survey sheets where the ‘female’ column comes first. Moreover, there will also be an equal number of survey sheets where the list of fifty names in standard reference format comes first and where the fifty names in full name format comes first. All participants will be warned repeatedly that the column headings for ‘male’ and ‘female’ are switched over leaf. Only two directives will be announced to participants: (1) to answer as rapidly as possible; (2) to watch for the switched gender columns overleaf.

A column has also been included for respondents to justify their response (if they so choose) by providing the gender and or given name of someone they know with the particular first name or with the particular initial, and which makes them think of that sex when they see that specific letter, that specific forename or that specific name combination. As an illustration of this, although ‘Charlie’ is usually thought of as a boy’s name, someone may know a girl named ‘Charlie Smith’ which causes them to think of a female when they see the name ‘Smith, Charlie’, ‘Smith, C.’ or just the first initial ‘C.’. Nonetheless, respondents will only be asked to look over their sheet and add these notes after they have completed the entire survey to avoid tuning in their mental radar to the fact that the study is all about gender discrimination before they have filled their answer choices.

Collation of Data

The data collected will be quantitative. If it is feasible to obtain several electronic tablets or Kindle Fire tablets, an electronic survey could be designed for respondents to answer directly on these tablets. This would enable instant storing and collation of the data. In the alternate situation, then once all completed hard copy survey sheets have be gathered, the information therein will need to be input into by hand into an Excel spreadsheet prepared with complex formulas that will count and tally all responses. On the one hand, at the most basic level, these calculations will provide a percentage response to the question of the number of participants who decided each name was ‘male’ or ‘female’ and the respective sex of those respondents. On the other hand, a more complex revelation might be that of which group of people seems the have the strongest preconceived notions about gender roles pertaining to scientific researchers.

 

 

 

Chapter 4: Results and Analysis

 

Proposed Analysis of Findings

Analysis of the data will be quantitative. Results will be tallied into table format, collated and then graphed. Beyond this, ‘if, then, and’ formulas will be used to calculate the amount of skew generally by gender, age, ethnicity, civil status and level of education. Likewise, calculations will be made in order to unearth the relationships that may exist between several variables at once, as in the skew found in presumptions made by ‘young men’; ‘older women’; ‘less educated men’; ‘black women’; etc. On a more sophisticated level, an optimal outcome would be the clarification of the interplay between from three up to five variables at once. To elucidate this last statement, combined categories would be those such as: ‘young white women’; ‘older divorced East Indian men’; or ‘middle-aged married Arab women with a high school education’ – the latter of which category takes into account all five of the variables being collected in this study.

Anticipated Bias in Results

It is anticipated that a certain amount of bias will be inevitable in the administration of the study itself. Specifically, those participants who respond on survey sheets where the names in full name format are to be answered first may become clued into the fact that the survey is interested in discovering responders’ gender biases. This is because participants may notice that there are an equal number of male and female names on the first list to which they responded. Those respondents who realize this may be conscious of this detail when answering the second side of their survey sheet. As a result of this awareness, they may find themselves trying to adjust their instinctive response to compensate for what they imagine to be their own ingrained prejudices. It is then likely that such respondents may overcompensating the other way.

Another way in which error is expected to creep into this study is through the cultural background and knowledge participants introduce into the study. It is impossible to separate a person from their cultural upbringing, so, it goes without saying that the cultural education each participant has will be carried with them wherever they go and will be brought into effect whenever they answer any question whose underpinnings are essentially cultural and societal in nature, as are all the questions in this study. Be that as it may, since little or nothing may be done to minimize the consequences of this cultural influence, it may be best to ignore it, while at the same time noting it as a possible factor contributing to any inaccuracies in the results.

Expected Results

Though it would be scientifically satisfying to be able to collate some of the data on all five factors simultaneously, the researcher imagines this will actually prove impossible. The reason for this assumption is that the language restriction imposed on this study will likely lead to a very small number of ethnically diverse respondents being eligible to participate in this research study. This restriction was deemed necessary in order to control for possible interference from additional linguistic knowledge affecting the study. For example, if, ‘Una’, one of the girl’s names used in the survey, sounds like or turns out to be a boy’s name in the Arabic language, this would be an interference that this research study would not be equipped to evaluate or quantify. An Arabic speaker might know this, but this researcher would not. Prior knowledge and linguistic interference are both contributing elements that would be very challenging to measure under any circumstances. In attempting to keep the sample group as homogeneous as possible, it is hoped that more valid results will be obtained that could then be compared to results from future studies with a wider scope and less restrictions applied.

It is expected that the category of person who will be the most biased towards designating researchers as males is ‘older married white men with the least amount of education’, and the category with the most bias towards designating researchers as females will be that of ‘younger never married white women with the most education’. At this point in the study, it is almost impossible to imagine which category of person may be the least biased towards either gender: one may hesitatingly offer the guess of ‘younger never married females with little education’. The foundation of this guess is the idea that any female with significant exposure to the structures present in the world, including to academic and research structures, would be aware that there are likely to be more male researchers than females because of the obstacles stacked against women and the challenges they still face today regarding the progression of their careers.

 

 

 

Chapter 5: Conclusion

 

Conclusion

In conclusion, it is believed that the present research study is unique in that, to date, it is the only study that has as its stated aim to specifically uncover the presumptions of maleness generated within the human mind through surname-only referencing. Although, it may well be the case that this particular study is not up to the task of clarifying the full extent of things in that area – an outcome that would not be surprising given that it is well-known that the human mind is a complex and confusing arena to try to decipher, – even so, it is an momentous achievement to have attempted to do so.

In continuation of the theme from the point above, even if this study proves unable to quantify or to draw out responses to the two main queries of this study, which is to say: (1) whether surname-alone references engender skewed judgements about the gender of the individual whose surname is cited; and (2) which is the specific group of persons who displays the most or least gender bias; still, at the very least this research will have sensitized the public about the issue of people’s internal presumptions potentially reinforcing generalizations, and it will also have informed the public that, at any rate, the current standard of surname-only citations does nothing to transform the status quo.

 

Considerations of Next Steps

Presentation of Results

The finalized results will be presented to Teach-Now. It is hoped that, subsequently, the American Psychological Association (A.P.A.) will one day also honor this researcher with the privilege of perusing and contemplating the results of this pilot study.

Impact of this Research

The main objective of this study is to influence existing academic bodies into analyzing and considering the impacts of some of the structures they endorse, even something so unassuming as the way they recommend authors’ names be referenced for printed resources. A slight change in the existing directives of such influential organizations could clearly reveal the partiality in choice of citing materials which is currently being concealed to the detriment of fair opportunities for female academicians. Such an exposure could cause a revolution from which female academics might benefit, and therefrom all scientists will benefit because for the first time they will access a truly diverse range of published works. This humble researcher aspires only to be the trigger that initiates this movement of change for the betterment of all.

References

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Baby Name Wizard. Browse Names Beginning with a Letter of the Alphabet. Wild Sky Media, Inc. Retrieved from http://www.babynamewizard.com/baby-name

Baby Names. Baby Names Starting with the Letter. Retrieved from https://www.babynames.co.uk/letter/

Burbules, Nicholas C. (2013-11-12). The Paradigmatic Differences Between Name/Date and Footnote Styles of Citation. Educational Research: Material Culture and Its Representation, vol. 8, pp. 191-199. Publisher: Springer, Cham. Retrieved from https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-319-03083-8_13

Coates, Richard & Hanks, Patrick. (2016-11-17). The Oxford Dictionary of Family Names in Britain and Ireland. Arts and Humanities Research Council (AHRC). University of West England (UWE), Bristol. Oxford University Press. Oxford, England, United Kingdom. Retrieved from https://www1.uwe.ac.uk/cahe/research/bristolcentreforlinguistics/researchatbcl/fanuk.aspx

Dion, Michelle L.; Lawrence Sumner, Jane & McLaughlin, Sara. (2018). Gendered Citation Patterns across Political Science and Social Science Methodology Fields. Political Analysis, vol. Doi:10.7910/DVN/R7AQT1. Retrieved from http://michelledion.com/files/DSM2018PAfinal.pdf

Express. (2016-09-01). Revealed: Most popular first names and most common surnames of last 500 years. United Kingdom. Retrieved from https://www.express.co.uk/news/uk/706354/Most-popular-first-names-most-common-surnames-last-500-years

Garnham, Alan; Doehren, Sam & Gygax, Pascal. (2015). True Gender Ratios and Stereotype Rating Norms. Frontal Psychology, vol. 6, (issue 1023). Published online 2015-07-22. Doi: [10.3389/fpsyg.2015.01023] Retrieved from https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4510832/ and https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fpsyg.2015.01023/full

Hanks, Patrick; Richard Coates & McClure, Peter. (2016-11-17). Family Names of the United Kingdom (FaNUK). The Oxford Dictionary of Family Names in Britain and Ireland (Oxford University Press). University of West England (UWE) Bristol Press. Retrieved from https://www1.uwe.ac.uk/cahe/research/bristolcentreforlinguistics/researchatbcl/fanuk.aspx

Kaatz, Anna & Carnes, Molly. (2014-06). Stuck in the Out-Group: Jennifer Can’t Grow Up, Jane’s Invisible, and Janet’s Over the Hill. Journal of Women’s Health, vol. 23, (issue 6), pp. 481-484. Doi: 10.1089/jwh.2014.4766. Published online 2014-05-20. Retrieved from https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/24844292 and http://europepmc.org/articles/PMC4046346

Knobloch-Westerwick, Silvia; Glynn, Carroll J. & Huge, Michael. (2013). The Matilda Effect in Science Communication: An Experiment on Gender Bias in Publication Quality Perceptions and Collaboration Interest. Science Communication, vol. 35, (issue 603). First published 2013-02-06. https://doi.org/10.1177/1075547012472684 Retrieved from http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/1075547012472684 and https://www.kcl.ac.uk/ioppn/depts/addictions/Diversity-Inclusion/Matilda-effect-Science-Communication-2013-Knobloch-Westerwick-603-25.pdf

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Oreskes, Naomi. (1996). Objectivity or Heroism? On the Invisibility of Women in Science. Osiris, vol. 11, pp. 87-113. Won the Margaret W. Rossiter History of Women in Science Prize in 2000. Retrieved from https://www.jstor.org/stable/301928?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents

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So Feminine. List of the Most Common Surnames Nationwide. Au Feminin, United Kingdom. Retrieved from https://surname.sofeminine.co.uk/w/surnames/most-common-surnames-in-great-britain.html

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Appendix

M11U2A1 Methodology - Survey Sheets 2019-03-24_Page_1

M11U2A1 Methodology - Survey Sheets 2019-03-24_Page_2

M11U2A1 Methodology - Survey Sheets 2019-03-24_Page_3

M11U2A1 Methodology - Survey Sheets 2019-03-24_Page_4

M11U3A1 Research Proposal Draft

Research Proposal Draft

 

Statement of the Problem

The principle of gender indistinguishability in printed literature – which is achieved by citing the surname, usually combined with only the first letter of the forename(s) – initially appears to be completely objective or neutral and therefore desirable for scientific purposes. On the other hand, it is hypothesized that the practice of using non-sex specific, conventional, scientific referencing to make women appear to be indistinct from men does not actually eliminate – nor does it contribute to transforming – the current stereotype of male dominance and prestige, and majority male participation in academics and research. Rather, this convention simply renders invisible women’s participation in academics and research. This study aims to demonstrate that rendering females indistinguishable (from males) or invisible in printed literature is actually counterproductive in terms of improving equal perception of females in academia and in destroying existing negative societal stereotypes about them.

 

Introduction

Need for Accurate and Straightforward Referencing

A fundamental aspect of any scientific domain is an accurate and uncomplicated referencing system for resources. The question of how to quote a resource is usually viewed as something straightforward, simple and objective. Traditionally, the choice of format for citing of resources has been decided arbitrarily by academic associations such as the American Psychological Association (A.P.A.), among others, who then disseminate these conventions and compel mandatory adherence to them.

All Systems Exist within Constraints of Society

However, the fact that every scientific domain exists within the societal context, and the realization that the format in which a resource is referenced influences and is influenced by societal predispositions, should lead academic societies to reevaluate the appropriateness of the arbitrary resource citing conventions currently in practice. Changes over time in gender roles, in how women are viewed, and in the level of female participation and or recognition in scientific domains may warrant a change in how resources are quoted in order to better reflect this evolution and to continue to progress these trends.

Professional Responsibility to Eliminate Bias

It is researchers’ duty to question whether established referencing formats in current employ are in fact the best ones for meeting the needs of contemporary society and for promoting modern ideals of equality, fairness and impartiality. Every system invented for and exploited by humans exists within human society. Extrapolating from this theme, even a purported ‘impartial’ scientific system may be subject to inherent bias or may simply result in biased outcomes or conclusions when utilized in conjunction with human frailties and prejudices. To safeguard the integrity of our systems and conventions, researchers have a moral obligation to ensure that any system employed in the gathering or compilation of data and resources has minimal influence on (i) the content, (ii) the selection criteria and (iii) the actual selection of these resources. Thus, the onus is on researchers to identify these systemic biases and eradicate them or at least to simply adjust the system to compensate for them in some way. To this end, the contribution and input of female researchers at all stages of the design process of a future referencing system – from rooting out any partiality, to its format and implementation – is not only crucial but will undoubtedly also prove insightful and transformational.

Focus of this Paper

For the purposes of this research paper, the focus will be on the arbitrary customary method in which authors’ names are mentioned in printed scientific publications. Using the American Psychological Association’s (A.P.A.) format as the standard, this is how author references are currently formatted:

  • For a resource quoted within a paragraph: Surname (Year of Publication) or (Surname, Year of Publication), e.g.

Thompson (2004) or (Thompson, 2004)

  • For resources listed within a bibliography: Surname, Initial Letter of Forename(s). (Year of Publication). Title. e.g.

Thompson, A. (2004). Gentlemanly Orthodoxy: Critical Race Feminism, Whiteness Theory, and the APA Manual. Educational Theory, vol. 54, (issue 1), p. 2.

Since this study is aimed at a Western, English-speaking audience, the focus will be exclusively on the effect of surname-only citation practices for surnames and forenames of Western European origin, particularly those whose origins trace back to the British Isles or names which are in commonly found in present-day Britain. Moreover, more specifically, this study will be constrained mostly to what are known as ‘traditional proper names’ (e.g. Robert in place of Rob; Evelyn in place of Evie) and ‘British’ family names that are of English language etymology or that are in frequent employ in the contemporary English-speaking world (e.g. Smith, Baker, Jones, etc.). In keeping with this choice to utilize proper names, analysis of nicknames will be avoided as much as possible. This decision is taken based on observational evidence which appears to indicate that nicknames may display a higher propensity to become gender neutral or unisex in their current use than traditional proper names. For example:

Boy’s Forename Girl’s Forename Frequent Nickname (Unisex)
Samuel Samantha Sam
Alexander Alexandra Alex
Andrew Andrea Andy
Patrick Patricia Pat
Christopher Christina Chris

Table 1. Examples of Unisex Nicknames.

 

Background

Logic behind Challenging Surname-only Referencing

It is worth underscoring that in the majority of cultures, and certainly in English-speaking and European-derived cultures, the way a female is distinguished from a man by name is mainly in terms of the forename(s) she is assigned at birth[1]. This particularity is supported by the fact that the tradition throughout many centuries was for females to ‘take on’ the name of their father or husband, conserving merely their given names for specific identification purposes. Even in contemporary society this tradition persists and thrives: the majority of women in modern Britain and much of the English-speaking world change their family name to that of their husband upon marriage. Furthermore, by default the children of the union all carry merely their father’s last name, the mother’s family name being completely absent as an officially inherited name. What this means is that family names still have a greater association with maleness and masculinity than with femaleness and femininity. Males are still the owners and bestowers of family names. Notwithstanding this observation, standard quotation systems give the impression that they deem surname-only references to be the most objective or neutral citation format available. It may even be accurate to claim that one of the main principles in modern resource referencing systems may be the indistinguishability of female researchers or authors from male authors – an abstruseness of gender which is accomplished by using surname-only references. At first glance, this lack of differentiation may appear to be both justifiable and desirable. Contrariwise, it shall soon be made clear that family names carry within them specific indicators of maleness that cannot be easily eradicated or ignored and whose role should not be downplayed in terms of their psychological impact and the extent to which they contribute to readers’ eventual gender assumptions about the author carrying each surname.

Origins of Assumptions of Maleness from Surnames

With respect to the origins of family names, last names or surnames, many simply refer to the original bearer of the name, they are simply the first name of the ancestor in question. E.g. Thomas; Arnold; Henry; William, Cameron, Phillip, Adam. Such last names have been adapted from their role as a male’s first name and passed from father to children [patrilineally] as the family name. Other surnames mention the original bearer of the name: they contain within them the acknowledgement that the bearer being the son of someone. For example:

Surname Refers to Meaning
Benson Ben / Ben’s Ben’s son
Ericson Eric / Eric’s Eric’s son
Peterson Peter / Peter’s Peter’s son
Williamson William / William’s William’s son
Williams William’s of / belonging to William
Phillips Phillip’s of / belonging to Phillip
Adams Adam’s of / belonging to Adam

Table 2. Examples of Surnames Referring to a Familial Relationship

Unfortunately, females did not hold much status is terms of naming, which is why there are no last names formed by combining ‘daughter’ with the father’s name. Furthermore, males were usually the ones who traditionally held professions and trades and who were the main ‘breadwinners’ or financial support for the family. Concerning this, where the family name is derived from the word for a trade or occupation, the occupation would have referred to that of the male or males in the family or household. This is why we find the surname ‘Taylor’ but not ‘Seamstress’. Other commonplace last names indicative of their original bearer’s profession are: Smith, Porter, Miller, Mason, Cook, Barber, Fisher. Throughout history and to some extent today, men were regarded as the ‘head of the household’. Where the surname originated from a place name, it would be indicative of the male household head’s place of origin (or the unmarried female’s father’s place of origin). E.g. Brooke; Greene; Banks; Townsend, meaning Town’s end; French; Holland; Moore (i.e. the Moor); English; Scott; etc. Following on from the practice of the man being the head of the family, males were deemed the ‘bearers’ of the family name (or surname, as we often refer to it today). A woman was and still is usually called “the mistress of [her husband’s family name]” or ‘Mrs’. For this reason, women took – and to great extent still take – the last name of their spouse. Whereas, the reverse occurrence – where a man takes his wife’s family name and deletes his own surname from his name – is exceedingly rare. Most present-day men are forcefully opposed to this idea and at most might concede that both parties take on a hyphenation of their combined last names, e.g. Smith-Jones. In addition to this, the default is for children of the union to inherit their father’s surname. It is important to point out that this reason alone – that surnames are regarded as owned by men and passed on by men – suffices to explain why it is more usual to call males by their last name only, and females by their first name only, since this is the only name which is likely to be consistent for the female throughout her lifetime, the only name she truly ‘owns’ by the current social standards and practices. Notwithstanding, as women assume greater individual renown, and gain prestige and acclaim independent (from their male work partners, fathers and spouses) within professional and academic realms, society may now be getting closer to accepting the idea of matrilineal naming for children. Even so, this latter is not the purport of this study.

Given that patrilineal naming history intricately associates last names with males, it is unsurprising to discover that dissociating surnames from men and from concepts of manhood and maleness may be more complicated to achieve than simply spreading its scope to include women. On the surface, this may function, but, as various studies have shown[2], subconsciously, in spite of everything, readers may be assuming authors quoted by last name only are men (whether or not they are) and in practice far fewer women are referred to in conversation by surname only as compared to men. Resulting from this, the employment of the family name alone as a means of address for women has not been entirely successful in its spread. In other words, family names have not been transformed to incorporate concepts of womanhood and femaleness. This suggests that another tactic should be undertaken in order to transform the current preconceptions about perceived surname ‘ownership’ from males to females. One path forward may be to make females’ presence more visible, and not indistinct to that of males since, for historical and metacognitive reasons, the male presence will always be perceived as manifest within a family name.

In summary, there are concrete linguistic, historic, connotative and social markers [metacognitive markers], as mentioned above, that are contained within last names themselves and or found in the ways in which surnames are utilized in English-speaking societies which allude to a male presence in most surnames. If one takes for granted that last names already automatically denote a male presence on some level, the only way to change this perception of maleness may be to make the female presence obvious. Then, simply including the first names of all authors may go a long way towards accomplishing this goal because for many English names, the forename is the unique marker of the feminine sex. Nevertheless, this goal may also be achieved in other ways. Another means of accomplishing this may be to include Mr. and Ms.[3] (the latter of which is the neutral civil status term for addressing women) within all bibliographical references.

 

 

Full Name Referencing is More Accurate

Requiring that all authors be referenced by their full names and not just by their surname and the initials of their forenames is the simpler and easier tack for changing the current name citing convention. However, it should be underlined that this is in fact the less efficient pathway for tackling the gender discrimination problem because despite the fact that full names simultaneously allow for more accuracy in terms of author identification, it does not take into consideration authors whose names do not following English language naming conventions, e.g. Li, Shunlai [male]; Ho, Fang [female]. Most English-speakers would be unable to identify the sex of the authors with either of the two names quoted above, one of which is Mandarin Chinese and the other is Cantonese Chinese. For example, compare the formats for referencing the following names.:

Conventional Referencing Referencing by Full Name Referencing by Full Name and by Formal Address
Lewis, L. Lewis, Lily Lewis, Lily (Ms.)
Lloyd, H. Lloyd, Harrison Lloyd, Harrison (Mr.)
Marshall, N. Marshall, Naomi Marshall, Naomi (Ms.)
Martin, Z. Martin, Zachary Martin, Zachary (Mr.)
Mason, Y. Mason, Yvonne Mason, Yvonne (Ms.)
Mills, E. Mills, Emma Mills, Emma (Ms.)
Mitchell, P. Mitchell, Patrick Mitchell, Patrick (Mr.)
Moore, G. Moore, Grace Moore, Grace (Ms.)
Murphy, K. Murphy, Kieran Murphy, Kieran (unisex, viz. Mr.)
Shaw, J. Shaw, Jaden Shaw, Jaden (unisex, viz. Ms.)
Smith, A. Smith, Alfred Smith, Alfred (Mr.)
Spencer, Y. Spencer, Yohan Spencer, Yohan (Mr.)

Table 3. Comparison of Conventional versus Full Name Referencing and Formal Address

“A. Matthews” could be anyone from Aaron Matthews to Azaria Matthews. Native English-speakers will be familiar with most of the popular first names and be able to immediately identify the sex of each person referenced from them, unless the given name is unisex. In connection with this, the table above demonstrates that simply including the full names of all authors goes a long way towards permitting identification of the sex of most authors through their given names, provided they have English names. However, to make the author’s gender even more explicit, the reference could include the address ‘Mr.’ or ‘Ms.’. For all that, there is no reason why both these methods could not be employed simultaneously to further elucidate identity and gender. Undoubtedly, quoting the full name and putting the formal male or female address following the name (or in brackets after it) is the most precise way to refer to someone and will make gender clear regardless of the linguistic origin of the surnames and forenames. In other words, the best practice might well be to reference full names and to add ‘Mr.’ and ‘Ms.’ to all references. This solution actually resolves the question of how sex would be identified in the case of first names of foreign, non-English language, origin. Using the formal male and female status neutral salutation terms of ‘Mr.’ and ‘Ms.’ thus appears to resolve those cultural issues. For example:

  • For within a paragraph: Forename Surname (Year of Publication) or (Forename Surname, Year of Publication)

Ms. Michelle L. Dion, Ms. Jane Lawrence Sumner and Ms. Sara McLaughlin (2018)

(Ms. Michelle L. Dion, Ms. Jane Lawrence Sumner & Ms. Sara McLaughlin, 2018)

  • For the bibliography: Surname, Forenames Mr./Ms. (Year of Publication). Title.

Atir, Stav Ms. & Ferguson, Melissa J. Ms. (2018). How Gender Determines the Way We Speak About Professionals. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, vol. 115, pp. 7278-7283.

Atir, Stav (Ms.) & Ferguson, Melissa J. (Ms.) (2018). How Gender Determines the Way We Speak About Professionals. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, vol. 115, pp. 7278-7283.

Admittedly, pertaining to the question of the choice of name referencing systems to employ, it may indeed be quite difficult to determine what (if any) citation style would be truly neutral in terms of gender preconceptions or prejudices. Furthermore, the most objective format may not necessarily be the best format for transforming gender stereotypes, as we have seen with the A.P.A. referencing convention. Nonetheless, it is imperative that we make a concerted effort to right existing inequalities and strive to make a future choice of citation system as unbiased and fair as possible.

 

Patterns Observed in Findings

Men and Women are Similarly Biased

The most surprising pattern revealed in studies investigating persons’ tendency to assume male authorship for published works was that women and men behave similarly in terms of preferring men over women in terms of their choice of works to cite. In the research study by Ms. Michelle L. Dion, Ms. Jane Lawrence Sumner and Ms. Sara McLaughlin (2018), it was not clear to what extent the women and men surveyed may have been aware (or unaware) of the sex of the authors they were citing. With current referencing conventions i.e. where it requires some effort to discover the sex of the author of a source, it is quite possible that the authors’ genders were largely unknown to those citing their works. This might explain why both men and women writers displayed similar rates of quoting other male and female authors. Another noteworthy trend revealed from studies is that gender favoritism occurs at all levels of society and within every single social interaction, regardless of whether those acting or interacting are male or female. For this reason, it may be difficult to eliminate or diminish unfair practices caused by gender bias in academia. Three different studies support this conclusion: one by Ms. Anna Kaatz and Ms. Molly Carnes (2014-06); one by Ms. Heather Savigny (2014); and one by Ms. Naomi Oreskes (1996). Looking at this claim from the perspective of daily life, one could take the instance where there are two equally qualified candidates for a position: one of which is a woman and the other is a man. Unfortunately, in many cases female voters may be predisposed to vote for the man. Women are therefore responsible for voting men into power or voting against women. This occurs as a consequence of the women who are voting not reflecting on the impact of their actions in the big picture. They respond to and satisfy their subconscious (though conditioned) feelings of greater comfort in having a man lead which result from their familiarity with such an arrangement from having seen it repeatedly throughout their lifetime. Some may argue that this is just personal preference, even so, this is how gender prejudice against females is also perpetrated by women: because women too have been brought up seeing and internalizing unequal structures and feel most at ease with that with which they are accustomed. Accordingly, women are no less susceptible to acting out on these ingrained prejudices than are men.

 

 

Issues Raised in Existing Literature

The study by Ms. Michelle L. Dion, Ms. Jane Lawrence Sumner and Ms. Sara McLaughlin (2018) raised the issue that making women distinguishable from men could be counterproductive because it could facilitate discrimination towards women. If it is obvious at a glance which author is a man and which is a woman, writers could choose to cite men (consciously or subconsciously) rather than women due to their own prejudices. This same study found that, in general, men are cited more frequently than women. In cases where men form the minority in terms of the numbers present in a particular domain, men are indeed cited less than women. All things equal, women do cite other women at a higher rate than men cite women. Be that as it may, men are still cited more than their percentage presence in any domain would lead one to expect. These trends are perpetrated and perpetuated by both men and women. This may imply that, perhaps when able to identify the author’s sex, women do make some concerted effort to quote women more frequently, whereas, men may be ignorant to the importance of trying to combat any kind of gender favoritism in the selection of their articles.

 

Constructive Criticism

Constructive criticism for this study might be that the researchers appear not to have enquired as to whether writers knew the gender of all the authors they were citing. This is relevant because with the current citing and referencing conventions being upheld, sex is not immediately apparent. As such, one may need to make a concerted effort to discover the gender of each author, perhaps by investigating to find out what the first names are, unless of course the authors themselves are already known to the writer. In other words, feedback on improving previous studies is that the initial question to ask is “Were the authors aware they were citing men or women when they cited them?”. In this way, it could be established whether women knew the sex of many of the authors they were citing and what bearing this knowledge may have had on women’s citation rates of other women.

Risks in Highlighting Women’s Presence

Another related issue mentioned in research by Ms. Stav Atir and Ms. Melissa J. Ferguson (2018) and Ms. Silvia Knobloch-Westerwick, Ms. Carroll J. Glynn and Mr. Michael Huge (2013) is that making women unmistakably distinguishable from men could be counterproductive. This is because it could promote the tendency for men to appear more prestigious from the attitude taken towards male authors when their gender is known in contrast to how women are generally treated and referred to when their gender is known. Specifically, men tend to be mentioned by surname only, whereas women tend to be referred to by full name (i.e. first name and surname) or even sometimes by first name only.

To illustrate this, Hillary Clinton was often called merely ‘Hillary’ rather than ‘Clinton’. If one just says ‘Clinton’, most presume the person being mentioned is United States President Bill Clinton. As such, during the American presidential election Hillary Clinton was often cited simply with her first name ‘Hillary’. In contrast, her husband Bill, was rarely ever referred to simply as ‘Bill’. Taking talk show host Oprah Winfrey to serve as the figure of a woman who is independently famous (i.e. independently from any man). One may ask the question: How much more is she referred to as ‘Oprah’ rather than ‘Winfrey’? Now take the case of David Letterman, another famous talk show host. How much more is he referred to as Letterman than as David? When these trends are examined in conjunction with the fact that one of the main conclusions of the studies by Ms. Stav Atir and Ms. Melissa J. Ferguson (2018) and by Ms. Silvia Knobloch-Westerwick, Ms. Carroll J. Glynn and Mr. Michael Huge (2013) is: that the way we speak about others influences and is influenced by the way we think about them, we then realize how detrimental these everyday occurrences of sexism can be. As such, changing our approach and the way we speak about people so as to consciously decide how we will envisage them and how we will allow them to be perceived could make a substantial difference to the state of affairs. Some people may insist that it would be simplest to decide to call all people by their last name only – as is essentially done in the A.P.A. convention. Even so, it may be unrealistic to try to change centuries or perhaps millennia of tradition in men’s ownership of family names and this may lead to no adjustment in outcome. A more realistic approach might be to decide to refer to everyone by their full name and standardize that as the norm.

All the same, what is more damaging is that studies by Ms. Stav Atir and Ms. Melissa J. Ferguson (2018) and Mr. Nicholas C. Burbules (2013-11-12) have shown that being referred to by family name only (as men tend to be referred to) leads the audience to have a more prestigious impression of the person being discussed. Hence, there is a certain circularity in the prestige accorded to people who are cited by surname only. At very least, it could be drawn to the public’s attention that it is not as respectful to call women by first name only and that men are given unjustified prestige when referred to by only their last name. In this way, it may encourage the practice of talking about persons of all genders by only their full name. The latter study also touches on the topic of the Matthew Effect which is where work done receives greater acclaim when performed by a man compared to the level of recognition it would achieve had it (the same work) been conducted by a woman.

A critical caveat to this proposed study is that making females more visible may not actually do anything to dissociate surnames from concepts of maleness and may not lead to more women being cited or to greater recognition of women in scientific domains. A study by Ms. Silvia Knobloch-Westerwick, Ms. Carroll J. Glynn and Mr. Michael Huge (2013) discusses the Matilda Effect where work done by and achievements made by women are attributed to men (either deliberately, or unintentionally and thoughtlessly). This, the Matilda Effect (or women being imagined to be men), is one of the main eventualities that this research paper wishes to avoid in making women’s presence more obvious in printed academic work.

 

Major Conclusions of Existing Literature

On the whole, existing literature on the topic of citation rates of men in contrast to women[4] has brought forth the suggestion that it is crucial for women to contribute their thoughts and opinions to all scientific and academic structures, including citing conventions, organization of power and decisions on what is truly objective or neutral or not. Some information sources insinuate that women may not have been contributing their fair share to the design of these structures and providing sufficient feedback on how established conventions may be affecting them. Apropos, it is essential that women be involved in the process of deciding on anything that affects them, and since everything affects them, women should be involved in all decision-making. In addition to this, every decision should be analyzed to determine whether or not it progresses, hinders or retrogresses ideals of gender equity in academia, as this is the only manner in which these entrenched stereotypes can be eradicated or transformed.

Summary

In summary, gender favoritism and prejudices are implicit in every single social interaction, regardless of the gender of those involved. In order to transform the existing order and inequalities, gender bias must be first identified and acknowledged. Leaving blame out of the equation could assist in the acknowledgement of such prejudices, especially since research shows they are perpetrated by males and females alike. It is key to realize that lack of blame does not equate to lack of responsibility. Vis-à-vis, we must come up with strategies and techniques for combatting gender inequalities because if nothing is done to try to change the situation gender bias will continue to unfairly affect how people are perceived in terms of prestige and how much exposure they receive. Lastly, these ideas must be tried out to see if they will work as temporary or long-term solutions to reducing gender partiality. Although it may be difficult to decide on which referencing format to choose in order to promote ideals of gender equity and fairness, and even if citing full names may initially be counterproductive for females, any effort is better than just leaving the existing status quo intact. To this end, women should be integrally involved in contributing to solutions at every level of decision-making and implementation of structures.

 

Purpose

Thesis Topic

This study will endeavor to demonstrate that typical referencing practices (viz. those that utilize only surnames and forename initials) do not change the public’s mental stereotypes about researchers and academics being predominantly male. In fact, these practices may further contribute to mental assumptions of maleness, possibly erroneously attributing (at the subconscious level) some publications written by females to males in the readership’s eyes.

 

Methodology

Investigating How Bias Influences Assumptions

This research study is being conducted in order to learn to what extent preconceived ideas enter into people’s assumptions about the gender of academic authors. Which is to say, “How much more do people of either sex tend to imagine that researchers are men rather than women?”. Various themes will be investigated during the course of this study.

Data Collection Strategies

Responses will be collected on the supposed sex of a list of fictitious researchers. Each survey will contain two types of lists: one list where it will be impossible to know each researcher’s sex based on the way their name is provided, which is surname and first initial or initials (of forename), and a second list where the gender will be more or less obvious (to most native English-speakers) as the person’s full name will be provided, and respondents or participants can deduce the sex from most English given names. The responses for these two lists will be compared.

Data collection will be quantitative. The main data collection strategy will be to utilize surveys with binary responses (‘male’ or ‘female’) to questions. Respondents will simply tick one option or the other, presented side-by-side in two separate columns. This response format and the tick option means that participants will spend an absolute minimal amount of time answering whether each name is ‘male’ or ‘female’. Responding with a tick mark means that respondents spend less time answering than it would normally take them to write the letter ‘M’ or ‘F’. Moreover, the time interval for participants to answer is probably equivalent or even less than the time taken to circle a letter ‘M’ or ‘F’ within a multiple choice answer format. It is hoped that this rapid binary response option and method for recording the responses will force responders to record their instinctive automatic first response, which it is anticipated will reveal their inner or subconscious biases. The logic in this is that if participants require less time transferring their responses from their minds to the paper, this should translate to less time for them to reconsider or change their (initial) responses. Besides which, to further discourage participants [or respondents] from editing their first choice responses, responders will be supplied only with non-erasable pens. In this way, it is hoped that this quantitative data collection method will prove to be fairly objective.

Consistency of Sample Set

Unfortunately, no previously existing data has been found which specifically targets the phenomenon of gender misassignment based on ambiguous name referencing in academia. Consequently, the methodological constraints of the study have been designed in accordance with this researcher’s own judgment as to what would be relevant. It has been decided that it would be best to collect data from young adults and even from minors as these persons may reveal future trends of society’s gender assumptions and prejudices based on ambiguous name referencing and may have less experience of or exposure to societal gender biases as a result of their younger age. In other words, young adult participants’ gender standpoint may be more fluid and less entrenched than those of older persons. However, it is worth emphasizing that this opinion is simply a conjecture and may be completely misguided. Nonetheless, whether misguided or not, selecting younger responders should not significantly affect the reliability of the data collected. Specifically, the data set will be limited to participants between the ages of fifteen and forty-five years of age.

For ease of access to a quantity of willing participants from which to choose, and for the previously stated reason about using younger persons, the intention is to gather the data on a local university campus. In terms of the gender distribution among responders, the objective is to collect fifty complete [viable] surveys from males and fifty from females, totaling one hundred viable surveys. Unfortunately, should a potential participant declare themselves as transgender, they will be asked to choose the sex with which they feel they most closely identify. If they object to choosing a gender, they will be informed that this survey was not designed for and cannot accommodate participants of an uncertain gender: the purpose of this research is to discover whether existing preconceptions about gender in a certain context is dependent upon the sex of the responder. Obviously, if the responder has no gender, this would nullify the point of the research.

Additionally, the objective is to limit the useable sample to monolingual native English-speakers. The purpose of this objective is to control for the influence or interference of linguistic knowledge from other languages in participants’ answer choices. For instance, in Spanish, almost all words and names ending in the letter ‘o’ are masculine and those ending in ‘a’ are feminine. It may be surmised that a bilingual English and Spanish-speaker who is ignorant of the Greek myth about Odysseus and Calypso, might guess incorrectly that ‘Calypso’ is a boy’s name based on their Spanish linguistic knowledge of names ending in ‘o’ usually being masculine. Conversely, a monolingual English-speaker who is also ignorant of this Greek myth may have no such linguistic theory to interfere with their assumption that the name ‘Calypso’ is male or female, and similarly with girls’ names such as ‘Coco’, ‘Indigo’ or ‘Juno’. This hypothesis would also apply in an opposite exemplification for boy names ending in ‘a’. A monolingual English-speaker may see nothing usual about the boy’s names ‘Luca’, ‘Mica’, ‘Ezra’, ‘Aria’ and ‘Elijah’, whereas a Spanish-speaker might believe these were girl’s names because of the final ‘a’ or final ‘a’ sound. It is hoped that trying to reduce the interference of additional linguistic knowledge in this way will help maintain the validity of the data collected from the sample set. Still, since the university campus where the data will be collected is located in Hatfield, Hertfordshire, England, the United Kingdom, it is expected that most of the eligible responders will be of the following ethnicities: white English, black English and East Indian English [called Asian or South Asian in the U.K.]. Since only monolingual English-speaking respondents are eligible to participate, it is expected that the data set may consist in few or no first-generation or second-generation British citizens. But, a person’s citizenship is completely irrelevant to this survey; it is merely necessary that they be monolingual native English-speakers.

Summary

In summary, eligible participants for the sample set will be subject to the following constraints: They are constrained by age to persons between fifteen and forty-five years of age; by gender to persons who are able to choose a specific gender for themselves as male or female; and by language ability, to persons who speak English as their native language (whether British-English, Scottish-, Irish-, American-, Australian-, Caribbean- or any other type of English) and importantly, to persons who do not speak or know any additional languages.

Design and Composition of Surveys

The surveys consist in lists of the names of an equal number of supposed* male and female researchers. (* ‘Supposed’: because the researchers’ names are in fact fictitious). Most human populations consist in an equal proportion of males to females, or roughly fifty percent females and fifty percent males. Although it might have been a bit more accurate to employ sex-specific and gender-neutral first names with the same frequency as they are shown to occur in the general population in the United Kingdom, viz. 48% female, 45% male, 7% unisex (as at 2011)[5]; it is unjustifiable to possibly skew the results by having unequal numbers of males and females in the names lists on the survey, or worse, to possibly confuse respondents with too many unisex names. As such, the figures have been adjusted so that the same number of male and female forenames is utilized, both at 48%, and less unisex names are used, reduced to 4% with 2% female unisex and 2% male unisex first names. Which, in any case is consistent with the ratio of an equal number of males to females in the population. In this way, the reliability of the data collected should be safeguarded.

Please go to the Appendix to see the full progression towards the creation of the final lists used. The contents of the lists are names from the one hundred and fifty most common family names and first names in the United Kingdom as obtained through public data sources. Family names were chosen based on the criteria of having English linguistic origin. i.e. Family names of foreign language origins such as ‘Singh’, ‘Ahmed’, and ‘Begum’ would be excluded from the survey list even though they may be found within the leading one hundred plus surnames in Britain. The one hundred last names chosen were selected with little concern for including all letters of the English alphabet; they were simply the top family names. As such, several letters of the alphabet are missing from the list and several are repeated. Precisely, to increase the variety of last names drawn on, certain last names with several similar variations were also excluded based on the policy of not wanting to use too many similar last names for the list. Despite this latter policy, it was decided to leave some similar family names on the lists in order to preserve the validity of the sample of the hundred or so most frequent English surnames. Although some similar pairs made it onto the list[6], it was decided to pick only one surname in each of certain pairs or groups of similar family name[7], thereby reducing the number of similar pairs of last names on the survey and increasing the alphabetical range of the first letters of the surnames.

Since first names are rarely gender neutral, it was necessary to assign a sex prior to selecting each forename. Correspondingly, once the last names were chosen and arranged in decreasing frequency, a gender was assigned alternately down the list, starting with the male sex. In the part of the survey where only the first initial of the forename is used, it was still important to assign a gender to each researcher, even though the names are fabricated because it was felt that for the sake of greater authenticity each name should be as realistic as possible. It should also be stressed that the final order of the genders of the researchers invented for this study will be completely random, such that even if the responder were to go down the list assigning the alternate gender to each name, it is unlikely they will achieve a score with a high level of accuracy. It is precisely the assignment of gender at this early stage in the design of the survey that permits such a level of randomness to emerge on the ultimate list. (Please see the penultimate paragraph in this section of the Methodology for an explanation of the presentation of the finalized list after alphabetical sorting of surnames.)

Conversely as compared to surnames, forenames were selected with due consideration to including all the letters of the alphabet. This strategy of using the entire alphabet for the first names was decided on to ensure that the first names and first name initial letters would be quite diverse, but would still be sufficiently familiar to participants. The technique utilized to combine surnames and forenames was to list the top hundred-odd family names by decreasing frequency, then assign letters of the alphabet in sequential order to each family name, using the letters Q and X only once for each gender. The English alphabet has twenty-six letters. Thus, for the list of one hundred names it worked out that the alphabet was used four times (except for the letters Q and X which were availed of only twice). Once a letter of the alphabet was assigned to each surname, the most common first names for each respective letter of the alphabet were found for the relevant sex. From this pool of the leading given names, usually the most popular first name was chosen for each letter, unless the forename was clearly not of British origin or if it was not actually a proper name, in which case it was converted to a proper name. For instance, the leading boy’s first name was ‘Alfie’, but this is actually a nickname for ‘Alfred’, thus, ‘Alfred’ was utilized instead. By the same token ‘Oliver’ replaced ‘Ollie’; ‘Maxwell’, ‘Max’; ‘Charles’, ‘Charlie’; and ‘William’, ‘Will’. It was decided to leave ‘Nathan’ in place of ‘Nathaniel’ because, although, strictly speaking, ‘Nathan’ is a nickname, it has become so popular that it could now be judged a proper name. A similar judgement was made about the girl’s names ‘Bella’, the diminutive of ‘Isabella’, and ‘Katie’, the short form of ‘Katherine’, which have both also become proper names in their full right. Nevertheless, it was decided to convert ‘Bella’ to ‘Isabella’, but to leave ‘Katie’ as is. Other than these items, there were no top girl’s nicknames which needed to be converted into proper name format.

The last condition for choosing a name from the list of the most popular forenames for each letter and gender was that of having only a limited number of unisex forenames. All the same, rarely was the top first name for any letter of the alphabet gender neutral. Thus, it was necessary to specifically search out unisex first names with the aim of meeting the required percentage quota of forenames of ambiguous gender.

Another reason for employing this approach of using the entire alphabet to create the master list was in case certain letters may have connotations of a particular sex with certain participants. As a case in point, take ‘J’ connoting ‘Jay’, a boy’s name; or ‘B’ as short for ‘Beatrice’, a girl’s name, etc. This method was not utilized in choosing the last names because the surnames form the focus of this study – whose premise is that family names alone contain metadata alluding to maleness. It was therefore vital to draw from the one hundred or so most common English surnames with which all participants should be familiar.

  Most Common Surnames by Frequency First Initial Most Common First Names Gender[8]
1 Smith A. Alfred M
2 Jones B. Bernadette F
3 Williams C. Charles M
4 Brown D. Daisy F
5 Taylor E. Edward M
6 Davies F. Florence F
7 Evans G. George M
8 Wilson H. Harriet F
9 Thomas I. Isaac M
10 Roberts J. Jessica F
11 Johnson K. Kevin M
12 Lewis L. Lily F
13 Walker M. Maxwell M
14 Robinson N. Nancy F
15 Wood O. Oliver M
16 Thompson P. Poppy F
17 White Q. Quin M/U
18 Watson R. Ruby F
19 Jackson S. Stuart M
20 Wright T. Terry F/U
21 Green U. Ulysses M
22 Harris V. Violet F
23 Cooper W. William M
24 King Y. Yvette F
25 Martin Z. Zachary M

Table 4. Extract from the Most Common English Surnames[9]

The final step in readying the lists for responders was to sort the surnames in ascending alphabetical order. In this way, the alphabetically assigned first names would now seem completely random, though varied and comprehensive, and the last names are simply in alphabetical order as one would expect for any bibliographical list.

Each participant will receive a double-sided sheet of paper containing a list of names flowing from one side to the other. The paper will contain names numbered from 1 to 50 on one side and 51 to 100 on the other. In this way, respondents know where to start. In addition to answering the implied question about the gender of the researchers named on the paper, responders will need to state at the top of the paper their sex, age, the languages they speak and their ethnicity. All participants will respond with their guess on the sex of the same one hundred named researchers. The only difference will be that different participants will do so based on seeing the first fifty names on the list in the format ‘Surname, Initial Letter of Forename’ and the last fifty names on the list in the format ‘Surname, Forename’ and another participant [or responder] will answer based on seeing the first fifty names on the list in the format ‘Surname, Forename’ and the last fifty names on the list in the format ‘Surname, Initial Letter of Forename’. The final survey sheets employed in this research study may be found in the Appendix.

Procedure for Data Collection

Data collection will be a one time occurrence. The data will be collected personally during one week at the university near the researcher’s residence, which is the University of Hertfordshire in Hatfield, Hertfordshire, England, in the United Kingdom. Permission to conduct the research may need to be obtained from the university’s dean or administrative staff. Clipboards and pens will be handed out to participants. The survey sheets were printed in a mixed fashion so that the person who takes the next survey sheet from the pile will do get a survey with the first set of names set out in a different format from the survey sheet of the previous person.

Sensitive Information Gathered

Certain sensitive information will be gathered from participants. This includes their gender, age, civil status, level of education, ethnicity, and finally, whether they speak any foreign languages and if so, which ones. In spite of this data being gathered, no additional personally identifying information such as name, date of birth, address, etc. will be collected from respondents, accordingly, there will be never be a means of relating any of the sensitive data to a specific person. A legend will be used to record this information.

A B C D E F G V
Age Batch Number Civil Status Degree Ethnicity Foreign Languages Spoken Gender Validity of Particular Survey Sheet
[any value between 15 to 45] Identifying number on the survey sheet V = single, never married 1 to 5 years of completed university B = black N = no F = female N = no
  Date C = common law marriage H = high school diploma W = white Y = yes M = male Y = yes
  Versions 1 to 4 of the survey sheet E = engaged to be married C = college diploma [a 2 to 3 year institution] Y = South East Asian (e.g. Chinese, Korean, Thai, Japanese, Vietnamese, etc.) [If Y, please specify which]    
    M = married B = bachelor’s degree I = East Indian or South Asian      
    S = separated M = master’s degree R = Aboriginal, Native American, Native Indian, First Nations or Pacific Islander      
    D = divorced D = doctorate [PhD] X = Mixed races or mixed ethnicities      

Table 5. Key for Inputting Data into Excel Spreadsheet

Information Provided to Participants

Participants will be told only that the survey contains names of a list of researchers. In truth, all names listed are fictitious. Real researchers’ names will not be sourced, nor will reference titles be quoted in order to avoid influencing responders’ opinions based on such extraneous data, for instance, in the case where a participant may have heard of the researcher and is familiar with them. Be that at is may, it is absolutely critical to communicate clearly to all participants that all names on the list represent researchers. A study which evaluates responders’ tendency to assume any name is male or female would still be a beneficial study, but it would not elucidate the full extent to which persons of both sexes are predisposed to believe that an academic or a scientist is a man – which is the goal of this study. In the same vein, so far as possible, name combinations that would allude to some famous person or company will be avoided. As a case in point, some of the initial random surname and forename assignment combinations resulted in the names of famous people or clothing chains, e.g. the name ‘Samuel Jackson’ (American actor) was changed to ‘Stuart Jackson’; ‘Bella Jones’ (a French clothing company) was changed to ‘Bernadette Jones’; and ‘Henry Lloyd’ which is akin to ‘Henri Lloyd’ (a men’s clothing company), was changed to ‘Harrison Lloyd’.

Respondents will be provided two lists of fifty names in continuous ascending alphabetical order. Participants will be asked to decide on the gender of each researcher (or name) in the list. A sample size of at least one hundred useable surveys would be judged an acceptable initial sample size for the collection of data on this topic. Each survey will have one hundred responses: fifty responses where it will be impossible to know the researcher’s sex and fifty responses where either a gender-specific or gender-neutral first name is used. Responders will tick the relevant column, either ‘male’ or ‘female’ according to what they believe is the researcher’s sex. There will be no option for ‘unknown’. Respondents will be obliged to decide on a sex or not respond by leaving the response cell blank. Nonetheless, participants will be discouraged from leaving any cells blank. What is more, in order to offset any preference of choice that may arise from having the ‘male’ column first, there will be an equal number of survey sheets where the ‘female’ column comes first. Moreover, there will also be an equal number of survey sheets where the list of fifty names in standard reference format comes first and where the fifty names in full name format comes first. All participants will be warned repeatedly that the column headings for ‘male’ and ‘female’ are switched over leaf. Only two directives will be announced to participants: (1) to answer as rapidly as possible; (2) to watch for the switched gender columns overleaf.

A column has also been included for respondents to justify their response (if they so choose) by providing the gender and or given name of someone they know with the particular first name or with the particular initial, and which makes them think of that sex when they see that specific letter, that specific forename or that specific name combination. As an illustration of this, although ‘Charlie’ is usually thought of as a boy’s name, someone may know a girl named ‘Charlie Smith’ which causes them to think of a female when they see the name ‘Smith, Charlie’, ‘Smith, C.’ or just the first initial ‘C.’. Nonetheless, respondents will only be asked to look over their sheet and add these notes after they have completed the entire survey to avoid tuning in their mental radar to the fact that the study is all about gender discrimination before they have filled their answer choices.

Collation of Data

The data collected will be quantitative. If it is feasible to obtain several electronic tablets or Kindle Fire tablets, an electronic survey could be designed for respondents to answer directly on these tablets. This would enable instant storing and collation of the data. In the alternate situation, then once all completed hard copy survey sheets have be gathered, the information therein will need to be input into by hand into an Excel spreadsheet prepared with complex formulas that will count and tally all responses. On the one hand, at the most basic level, these calculations will provide a percentage response to the question of the number of participants who decided each name was ‘male’ or ‘female’ and the respective sex of those respondents. On the other hand, a more complex revelation might be that of which group of people seems the have the strongest preconceived notions about gender roles pertaining to scientific researchers.

 

Proposed Analysis of Findings

Analysis of the data will be quantitative. Results will be tallied into table format, collated and then graphed. Beyond this, ‘if, then, and’ formulas will be used to calculate the amount of skew generally by gender, age, ethnicity, civil status and level of education. Likewise, calculations will be made in order to unearth the relationships that may exist between several variables at once, as in the skew found in presumptions made by ‘young men’; ‘older women’; ‘less educated men’; ‘black women’; etc. On a more sophisticated level, an optimal outcome would be the clarification of the interplay between from three up to five variables at once. To elucidate this last statement, combined categories would be those such as: ‘young white women’; ‘older divorced East Indian men’; or ‘middle-aged married Arab women with a high school education’ – the latter of which category takes into account all five of the variables being collected in this study.

Anticipated Bias in Results

It is anticipated that a certain amount of bias will be inevitable in the administration of the study itself. Specifically, those participants who respond on survey sheets where the names in full name format are to be answered first may become clued into the fact that the survey is interested in discovering responders’ gender biases. This is because participants may notice that there are an equal number of male and female names on the first list to which they responded. Those respondents who realize this may be conscious of this detail when answering the second side of their survey sheet. As a result of this awareness, they may find themselves trying to adjust their instinctive response to compensate for what they imagine to be their own ingrained prejudices. It is then likely that such respondents may overcompensating the other way.

Another way in which error is expected to creep into this study is through the cultural background and knowledge participants introduce into the study. It is impossible to separate a person from their cultural upbringing, so, it goes without saying that the cultural education each participant has will be carried with them wherever they go and will be brought into effect whenever they answer any question whose underpinnings are essentially cultural and societal in nature, as are all the questions in this study. Be that as it may, since little or nothing may be done to minimize the consequences of this cultural influence, it may be best to ignore it, while at the same time noting it as a possible factor contributing to any inaccuracies in the results.

Expected Results

Though it would be scientifically satisfying to be able to collate some of the data on all five factors simultaneously, the researcher imagines this will actually prove impossible. The reason for this assumption is that the language restriction imposed on this study will likely lead to a very small number of ethnically diverse respondents being eligible to participate in this research study. This restriction was deemed necessary in order to control for possible interference from additional linguistic knowledge affecting the study. For example, if, ‘Una’, one of the girl’s names used in the survey, sounds like or turns out to be a boy’s name in the Arabic language, this would be an interference that this research study would not be equipped to evaluate or quantify. An Arabic speaker might know this, but this researcher would not. Prior knowledge and linguistic interference are both contributing elements that would be very challenging to measure under any circumstances. In attempting to keep the sample group as homogeneous as possible, it is hoped that more valid results will be obtained that could then be compared to results from future studies with a wider scope and less restrictions applied.

It is expected that the category of person who will be the most biased towards designating researchers as males is ‘older married white men with the least amount of education’, and the category with the most bias towards designating researchers as females will be that of ‘younger never married white women with the most education’. At this point in the study, it is almost impossible to imagine which category of person may be the least biased towards either gender: one may hesitatingly offer the guess of ‘younger never married females with little education’. The foundation of this guess is the idea that any female with significant exposure to the structures present in the world, including to academic and research structures, would be aware that there are likely to be more male researchers than females because of the obstacles stacked against women and the challenges they still face today regarding the progression of their careers.

Conclusion

In conclusion, it is believed that the present research study is unique in that, to date, it is the only study that has as its stated aim to specifically uncover the presumptions of maleness generated within the human mind through surname-only referencing. Although, it may well be the case that this particular study is not up to the task of clarifying the full extent of things in that area – an outcome that would not be surprising given that it is well-known that the human mind is a complex and confusing arena to try to decipher, – even so, it is an momentous achievement to have attempted to do so.

In continuation of the theme from the point above, even if this study proves unable to quantify or to draw out responses to the two main queries of this study, which is to say: (1) whether surname-alone references engender skewed judgements about the gender of the individual whose surname is cited; and (2) which is the specific group of persons who displays the most or least gender bias; still, at the very least this research will have sensitized the public about the issue of people’s internal presumptions potentially reinforcing generalizations, and it will also have informed the public that, at any rate, the current standard of surname-only citations does nothing to transform the status quo.

 

Considerations of Next Steps

Presentation of Results

The finalized results will be presented to Teach-Now. It is hoped that, subsequently, the American Psychological Association (A.P.A.) will one day also honor this researcher with the privilege of perusing the results of this pilot study. The main objective of this study is to encourage existing academic bodies to consider the impacts of some of the structures they endorse, even something so unassuming as the way they recommend authors’ names be referenced for printed resources. A slight change in the existing directives of such influential organizations could clearly reveal the partiality in choice of citing materials which is currently being concealed to the detriment of fair opportunities for female academicians. Such an exposure could cause a revolution from which female academics might benefit, and therefrom all scientists will benefit because for the first time they will access a truly diverse range of published works. This humble researcher aspires only to be the trigger that initiates this movement of change for the betterment of all.

 

Bibliography

Principal References

Atir, Stav & Ferguson, Melissa J. (2018). How Gender Determines the Way We Speak About Professionals. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, vol. 115, pp. 7278-7283. Retrieved from https://roberta345.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/34280-atirferguson_pnas_2018.pdf ü

Burbules, Nicholas C. (2013-11-12). The Paradigmatic Differences Between Name/Date and Footnote Styles of Citation. Educational Research: Material Culture and Its Representation, vol. 8, pp. 191-199. Publisher: Springer, Cham. Retrieved from https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-319-03083-8_13

Dion, Michelle L.; Lawrence Sumner, Jane & McLaughlin, Sara. (2018). Gendered Citation Patterns across Political Science and Social Science Methodology Fields. Political Analysis, vol. Doi:10.7910/DVN/R7AQT1. Retrieved from http://michelledion.com/files/DSM2018PAfinal.pdf ü

Garnham, Alan; Doehren, Sam & Gygax, Pascal. (2015). True Gender Ratios and Stereotype Rating Norms. Frontal Psychology, vol. 6, (issue 1023). Published online 2015-07-22. Doi: [10.3389/fpsyg.2015.01023] Retrieved from https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4510832/ and https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fpsyg.2015.01023/full ü

Kaatz, Anna & Carnes, Molly. (2014-06). Stuck in the Out-Group: Jennifer Can’t Grow Up, Jane’s Invisible, and Janet’s Over the Hill. Journal of Women’s Health, vol. 23, (issue 6), pp. 481-484. Doi: 10.1089/jwh.2014.4766. Published online 2014-05-20. Retrieved from https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/24844292 and http://europepmc.org/articles/PMC4046346 ü

Knobloch-Westerwick, Silvia; Glynn, Carroll J. & Huge, Michael. (2013). The Matilda Effect in Science Communication: An Experiment on Gender Bias in Publication Quality Perceptions and Collaboration Interest. Science Communication, vol. 35, (issue 603). First published 2013-02-06. https://doi.org/10.1177/1075547012472684 Retrieved from http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/1075547012472684 and https://www.kcl.ac.uk/ioppn/depts/addictions/Diversity-Inclusion/Matilda-effect-Science-Communication-2013-Knobloch-Westerwick-603-25.pdf ü

Savigny, Heather. (2014). Women, Know Your Limits: Cultural Sexism in Academia. Gender and Education, vol. 26, no. 7, (issue 794). Bournemouth University, Bournemouth, U.K. Retrieved from http://eprints.bournemouth.ac.uk/21459/1/G%26E%20final%20version.pdf ü

Savigny, Heather. (2017-11). Cultural Sexism is Ordinary: Writing and Re‐Writing Women in Academia. Gender, Work & Organization, vol. 24, (issue 6), pp. 643-655. First published 2017-07-05 https://doi.org/10.1111/gwao.12190 Retrieved from https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/gwao.12190

Hanks, Patrick; Richard Coates & McClure, Peter. (2016-11-17). Family Names of the United Kingdom (FaNUK). The Oxford Dictionary of Family Names in Britain and Ireland (Oxford University Press). University of West England (UWE) Bristol Press. Retrieved from https://www1.uwe.ac.uk/cahe/research/bristolcentreforlinguistics/researchatbcl/fanuk.aspx

Important Older References

Oreskes, Naomi. (1996). Objectivity or Heroism? On the Invisibility of Women in Science. Osiris, vol. 11, pp. 87-113. Won the Margaret W. Rossiter History of Women in Science Prize in 2000. Retrieved from https://www.jstor.org/stable/301928?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents

Thompson, Audrey. (2004). Gentlemanly Orthodoxy: Critical Race Feminism, Whiteness Theory, and the APA Manual. Educational Theory, vol. 54, (issue 1), p. 2. First published 28 June 2008 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-5446.2004.t01-5-00abs.x Retrieved from https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1741-5446.2004.t01-5-00abs.x

van den Brink, Marieke & Lineke Stobbe, Lineke. (2009-06-22). Doing Gender in Academic Education: The Paradox of Visibility. Gender, Work & Organization, vol. 16, (issue 4), pp. 451-470. Retrieved from https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0432.2008.00428.x

Additional References

Baby Name Wizard. Browse Names Beginning with a Letter of the Alphabet. Wild Sky Media, Inc. Retrieved from http://www.babynamewizard.com/baby-name

Baby Names. Baby Names Starting with the Letter. Retrieved from https://www.babynames.co.uk/letter/

Express. (2016-09-01). Revealed: Most popular first names and most common surnames of last 500 years. United Kingdom. Retrieved from https://www.express.co.uk/news/uk/706354/Most-popular-first-names-most-common-surnames-last-500-years

So Feminine. List of the Most Common Surnames Nationwide. Au Feminin, United Kingdom. Retrieved from https://surname.sofeminine.co.uk/w/surnames/most-common-surnames-in-great-britain.html

 

Appendix

M11U2A1 Methodology - Survey Sheets 2019-03-24_Page_1

M11U2A1 Methodology - Survey Sheets 2019-03-24_Page_2

M11U2A1 Methodology - Survey Sheets 2019-03-24_Page_3

[1] In European and English-speaking cultures certain forenames are used for males, certain are used for females and a small number of forenames are unisex or gender neutral. Representative of this is that, according to Gender Checker www.GenderChecker.com, of the 102,000 unique given names found in the United Kingdom in 2011, 45% were male only, 48% were female only, and 7% were unisex.

[2] See Bibliography for full references. Source 1: Atir, Stav Ms. & Ferguson, Melissa J. Ms. (2018). Source 2: Knobloch-Westerwick, Silvia Ms.; Glynn, Carroll J. Ms. & Huge, Michael Mr. (2013).

[3] ‘Ms.’, pronounced [miz], refers to a woman of any civil status. This may be a woman who has never been married (more precisely ‘Miss’), or to a married woman (more precisely ‘Mrs.’), or to a divorced woman. The use of ‘Ms.’ has come into favor in modern times because, like ‘Mr.’ for men, it may apply for all civil statuses of a woman. In this fashion, it does not necessitate one investigating or divulging the woman’s civil status (something that many consider personal and moreover irrelevant) in order to address the woman directly. Any ‘Miss’ may be called ‘Ms.’ without offense and any ‘Mrs.’ may be called ‘Ms.’ without offense. The same applies to ‘Dr.’. Since a doctor was and is a man or a woman before they became a doctor, there should be no offense received or perceived in calling a ‘Dr.’ (a unisex prefix title) ‘Mr.’ or ‘Ms.’.

[4] Detailed in the following studies. See Bibliography for full references. Source 1: Kaatz, Anna Ms. & Carnes, Molly Ms. (2014-06). Source 2: Savigny, Heather Ms. (2014). Source 3: Savigny, Heather Ms. (2017-11). Source 4: Oreskes, Naomi Ms. (1996).

[5] Current figures unknown.

[6] Specifically both Baker and Barker, Davies and Davis, Harris and Harrison, Thomas and Thompson were sourced as surnames in the lists even though the surnames in each pair are very similar.

[7] Specifically, only one name was employed from the groups of similar common surnames: Allan or Allen, Adam or Adams, Brown or Browne, Clark or Clarke, Cook or Cooke, Dixon or Dickinson, Green or Greene, Morris or Morrison, Richards or Richardson, Roberts or Robertson, William, Williams or Williamson.

[8] Key: M means male; F means female; F/U means unisex name but the person it represents is female in this case; M/U means unisex name but the person it represents is male in this case.

[9] Source: https://www.SoFeminine.co.uk Notes: Names such as Patel, Lee, Khan were deleted from the list for name origin reasons. Names such as William and Evan were deleted from the list for their similarity to Williams and Evans.

M11U2A1 Methodology

Activity 1: Proposal Methodology

Task

  • Describe the research methodology that you propose to use for your research
  • Describe your rationale for selecting this methodology
  • Include the following components in your description:
  • participants in the proposed research
  • permissions that will be required
  • data collection method (e.g. observation or survey)
  • any instrument that you plan to use
  • how you plan to analyze your data
  • when and how you would collect data before and after testing the solution
  • how you will ensure validity and reliability

 

Methodology

I am collecting this data because I hope to learn to what extent bias enters into people’s assumptions about academic authors’ genders, which is to say, how much more people tend to assume that researchers are men rather than women. My data collection strategy is to use surveys with binary responses (male or female) to questions. It is my hope that these binary response options will force responders to record their instinctive first response which I believe will reveal their inner or subconscious biases. In this way, this data collection method will prove to be fairly objective. I am collecting responses on the assumed gender of a list of fictitious researchers. Each survey will contain two types of lists: one list where it will be impossible to know each researcher’s gender based on the way their name is provided, which is surname and first initial or initials, and another where the gender will be more or less obvious because the person’s full name will be provided. The responses for these two lists will be compared.

In my opinion, it would be best to collect data from young adults and even from minors because these persons may represent the future trends of our gender assumptions based on ambiguous name referencing. Unfortunately, I have not found any previously existing data to use that specifically targets the phenomenon of gender mis-assignment based on ambiguous name referencing in academia.

Respondents will be told that the survey contains names of a list of researchers. They will be asked to decide on the gender of each researcher in the list, based on their name. I will not use real researchers’ names or quote reference titles to avoid influencing respondents’ opinions based on such extraneous data (in the case they may have heard of the researcher and are familiar with them). In my opinion, a sample size of at least one hundred useable surveys would be a good start for the collection of data on this topic. Each survey will have one hundred responses: fifty responses where it would be impossible to know the researcher’s gender and fifty responses where a gender-specific or gender-neutral forename is used. Respondents will tick the relevant column, either “male” or “female” according to what they assume the researcher’s gender is. Furthermore, every respondent’s sheet will have one list where the “male” column comes first and another where the “female” column comes first, and vice versa. Although I would like to use gender-specific and gender-neutral forenames with the same frequency as they are shown to occur in the U.K. population (viz. 48% female, 45% male, 7% unisex), I do not want to skew my results by having unequal numbers of males and females in my list. As such, I will adjust the figures so that the same number of male and female forenames is used (both at 48%) and less unisex names are used (reduced to 4%). In this way, I hope to ensure the reliability of the data.

I have also included a column where respondents can justify their response (if they so choose) by providing the gender and or forename of someone they know with the forename or with the initial, and which makes them think of that gender when they see the letter or the forename. For example, although “Charlie” is considered a boy’s name, someone may know a girl named “Charlie” which causes them to think of a female when they see the name Charlie or the first initial C. However, I will only ask respondents to look over their sheet and add these notes after they have completed the survey because I do not want their mental radar to be tuned in to the fact that the study is all about gender bias before filling in their gender choices.

For the contents of my lists I have chosen the most common surnames and forenames in the U.K. as obtained through public data sources. The one hundred surnames chosen are selected without regard to including all letters of the English alphabet. However, to choose the forenames, I listed the surnames by decreasing frequency, then assigned sequential letters of the alphabet, using Q and X only once for each gender. The English alphabet has twenty-six letters. This worked out that the alphabet was used four times (except for Q and X which were used twice only). From there, I assigned the most common forenames for each respective letter of the alphabet. I used this technique to create my list because I wanted to ensure the entire alphabet was used, ensuring forenames would be quite diverse, but still familiar enough with respondents. I also wanted to use the entire alphabet in case certain letters may have connotations of a particular gender with certain respondents. E.g. J = Jay, a boy’s name; or B = short for Beatrice, a girl’s name, etc. This technique was not used in choosing the surnames because the surnames form the basis of this study – whose premise is that surnames alone contain metadata which indicate maleness. It was therefore imperative to use the one hundred most common surnames with which all respondents should be familiar. The final step in readying my lists for respondents was to sort the surnames in ascending alphabetical order. In this way, the alphabetically assigned first names now seem completely random, though varied and comprehensive, and the surnames are simply in alphabetical order as one would expect for any bibliography or reference list. I have included my survey sheets in the Appendix.

Data collection will be a one time occurrence. I intend to collect the data personally during one week at the university near where I live which is the University of Hertfordshire in Hertfordshire, England, in the United Kingdom. I may need to obtain permission from the university’s dean or administrative staff in order to conduct my research. I would like to limit my useable sample to monolingual English-speakers in order to limit the influence or interference of linguistic knowledge from other languages in respondents’ answer choices. In this way, I hope to ensure the validity of my data.

Once the data is collected, it will need to be input into a spreadsheet that will count and tally all responses. The data will be quantitative. Calculations will provide the percentage of respondents who decided each name was male or female and what the respondent’s gender was. I would like to present my results to Teach-Now and to the American Psychological Association (A.P.A.), in order to encourage them to make a slight change to the way they recommend names for resources be referenced.

 

Appendix

M11U2A1 Methodology - Survey Sheets 2019-03-24_Page_1

M11U2A1 Methodology - Survey Sheets 2019-03-24_Page_2

M11U2A1 Methodology - Survey Sheets 2019-03-24_Page_3

M11U2A1 Methodology - Survey Sheets 2019-03-24_Page_4

References

Atir, Stav & Ferguson, Melissa J. (2018). How Gender Determines the Way We Speak About Professionals. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, vol. 115, pp. 7278-7283. Retrieved from https://roberta345.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/34280-atirferguson_pnas_2018.pdf ü

Burbules, Nicholas C. (2013-11-12). The Paradigmatic Differences Between Name/Date and Footnote Styles of Citation. Educational Research: Material Culture and Its Representation, vol. 8, pp. 191-199. Publisher: Springer, Cham. Retrieved from https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-319-03083-8_13

Dion, Michelle L.; Lawrence Sumner, Jane & McLaughlin, Sara. (2018). Gendered Citation Patterns across Political Science and Social Science Methodology Fields. Political Analysis, vol. Doi:10.7910/DVN/R7AQT1. Retrieved from http://michelledion.com/files/DSM2018PAfinal.pdf ü

Garnham, Alan; Doehren, Sam & Gygax, Pascal. (2015). True Gender Ratios and Stereotype Rating Norms. Frontal Psychology, vol. 6, (issue 1023). Published online 2015-07-22. Doi: [10.3389/fpsyg.2015.01023] Retrieved from https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4510832/ and https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fpsyg.2015.01023/full ü

Kaatz, Anna & Carnes, Molly. (2014-06). Stuck in the Out-Group: Jennifer Can’t Grow Up, Jane’s Invisible, and Janet’s Over the Hill. Journal of Women’s Health, vol. 23, (issue 6), pp. 481-484. Doi: 10.1089/jwh.2014.4766. Published online 2014-05-20. Retrieved from https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/24844292 and http://europepmc.org/articles/PMC4046346 ü

Knobloch-Westerwick, Silvia; Glynn, Carroll J. & Huge, Michael. (2013). The Matilda Effect in Science Communication: An Experiment on Gender Bias in Publication Quality Perceptions and Collaboration Interest. Science Communication, vol. 35, (issue 603). First published 2013-02-06. https://doi.org/10.1177/1075547012472684 Retrieved from http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/1075547012472684 and https://www.kcl.ac.uk/ioppn/depts/addictions/Diversity-Inclusion/Matilda-effect-Science-Communication-2013-Knobloch-Westerwick-603-25.pdf ü

Savigny, Heather. (2014). Women, Know Your Limits: Cultural Sexism in Academia. Gender and Education, vol. 26, no. 7, (issue 794). Bournemouth University, Bournemouth, U.K. Retrieved from http://eprints.bournemouth.ac.uk/21459/1/G%26E%20final%20version.pdf ü

Savigny, Heather. (2017-11). Cultural Sexism is Ordinary: Writing and Re‐Writing Women in Academia. Gender, Work & Organization, vol. 24, (issue 6), pp. 643-655. First published 2017-07-05 https://doi.org/10.1111/gwao.12190 Retrieved from https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/gwao.12190

Hanks, Patrick; Richard Coates & McClure, Peter. (2016-11-17). Family Names of the United Kingdom (FaNUK). The Oxford Dictionary of Family Names in Britain and Ireland (Oxford University Press). University of West England (UWE) Bristol Press. Retrieved from https://www1.uwe.ac.uk/cahe/research/bristolcentreforlinguistics/researchatbcl/fanuk.aspx

Baby Name Wizard. Browse Names Beginning with a Letter of the Alphabet. Wild Sky Media, Inc. Retrieved from http://www.babynamewizard.com/baby-name

Baby Names. Baby Names Starting with the Letter. Retrieved from https://www.babynames.co.uk/letter/

Express. (2016-09-01). Revealed: Most popular first names and most common surnames of last 500 years. United Kingdom. Retrieved from https://www.express.co.uk/news/uk/706354/Most-popular-first-names-most-common-surnames-last-500-years

So Feminine. List of the Most Common Surnames Nationwide. Au Feminin, United Kingdom. Retrieved from https://surname.sofeminine.co.uk/w/surnames/most-common-surnames-in-great-britain.html

M11U1A1 Literature Review Draft

Introduction

A fundamental aspect of any scientific domain is an accurate referencing system for resources. The question of how to reference a resource is usually perceived as something straightforward, simple and objective. Traditionally, the choice of format for referencing of resources has been decided arbitrarily by academic associations such as the American Psychological Association (A.P.A.) who then disseminate these conventions and compel mandatory adherence to them. However, the fact that every scientific domain exists within the societal context, and the realization that the format in which a resource is referenced influences and is influenced by societal biases, should lead us to reevaluate the appropriateness of the arbitrary resource referencing conventions currently in use. Changes over time in gender roles, in how women are viewed, and in the level of female participation and or recognition in scientific domains may warrant a change in how resources are referenced to better reflect this and to continue to progress these trends. As researchers it is our duty to question whether these conventional referencing formats are in fact the best for meeting the needs of contemporary society and for promoting contemporary ideals of equality, fairness and impartiality. To this end, the contribution and input of female researchers on the design and format of a future referencing system is not only imperative but will also be insightful and transformational.

For the purposes of this paper, we will concentrate only on the way in which authors’ names are referenced. One of the main principles in current resource referencing systems is the indistinguishability of female researchers or authors from male authors. For example, A.P.A. References would reference a source within a paragraph in the format Surname (Year of Publication) or (Surname, Year of Publication), e.g. Thompson (2004) or (Thompson, 2004). A source referenced in a bibliography would be referenced as follows: Surname, Initial Letter of Forename(s). (Year of Publication). Title. [etc.] For example:

Thompson, A. (2004). Gentlemanly Orthodoxy: Critical Race Feminism, Whiteness Theory, and the APA Manual. Educational Theory, vol. 54, (issue 1), p. 2.

 

Indistinguishability of female authors from male authors is accomplished by using surname-only references. In almost every culture, and certainly in English-speaking and European derived cultures, the way a female is distinguished from a man by name is mainly in terms of the forenames she is assigned at birth. This study is aimed at a Western audience, hence we will focus exclusively on the effect of surname-only referencing conventions for surnames and forenames of Western European origin, especially those of British origin. In other words, authors whose names are of British etymology. Furthermore, we will concentrate on proper names in this study and analysis of nicknames will be avoided as much as possible. In European and English-speaking cultures certain forenames are used for males and certain are used for females and a small number of forenames are unisex or gender neutral. For instance, according to Gender Checker (www.GenderChecker.com) 7% of the 102,000 unique forenames used in the United Kingdom in 2011 were unisex, 45% were male only, and 48% were female only.

This principle of gender indistinguishability – which is achieved by referencing only the first letter of the forename(s) – initially appears to be completely objective and therefore desirable for scientific purposes. However, we aim to demonstrate in this study that rendering females indistinguishable or invisible is actually counterproductive in terms of improving equal perception of females and in destroying existing negative societal stereotypes about them.

 

Hypothesis

Our hypothesis is that the use of non-gender specific, conventional, scientific referencing to make women appear to be indistinct from men does not actually eliminate – nor does it contribute to transforming – the current stereotype of male dominance or majority male participation in academics and research. Rather, this convention simply renders invisible women’s participation in academics and research.

 

Purpose

Thesis Topic

In this study we will endeavor to demonstrate that conventional referencing practices (viz. those that use only surnames and forename initials) do not change the public’s mental stereotypes about researchers and academics being predominantly male. In fact, these practices may further contribute to mental assumptions of maleness, possibly erroneously attributing (at the subconscious level) some publications written by females to males in the readership’s eyes.

 

Reasoning Behind these Assumptions of Maleness

  1. Origins of surnames:
    1. Many surnames have simply been adapted from a male’s forename and passed from father to children (patrilineally). E.g. Benson = son of Ben, Ericson = son of Eric, Peterson = son of Peter, Thomas, Arnold, Henry, William, Williams = William’s.
    2. Males were considered the ‘bearers’ of the surname: “mistress of X”. For this reason, women took (and to great extent still take) the surname of their spouse. For this reason also, it is more common to call males by their surname only, and females by their first name only, since this is the only name which is likely to be consistent for the female throughout her lifetime.
    3. Males were the ones who traditionally held professions and trades. Therefore, where the surname is derived from the word for a trade or occupation, the occupation would have referred to that of the male or males in the family or household. E.g. Smith, Porter, Miller, Mason, etc.
    4. Men were and still are to a great extent considered the ‘head of the household’. Where the surname originated from a place name, it would be indicative of the male’s place of origin (or the female’s father’s place of origin). E.g. Brooke, Greene, Banks, Townsend = Town’s end, French, Holland, Moore, English, Scott, etc.
  2. These concrete linguistic, historic and connotative markers automatically allude to a male presence in most surnames.

 

Therefore, the only way to transform the current bias in surname ownership is to make females’ presence more visible (and not indistinct to that of males).

 

Discussion Outline

Patterns Observed in Findings

  1. Women and men behave similarly in terms of preferring men over women in terms of their choice of works to cite.

 

Source #3: Dion, Michelle L.; Lawrence Sumner, Jane & McLaughlin, Sara. (2018). Gendered Citation Patterns across Political Science and Social Science Methodology Fields. Political Analysis.

 

  1. Gender bias occurs at all levels of society and within every single social interaction, regardless of whether those acting or interacting are male or female. For this reason, it may be difficult to eliminate or diminish gender bias in academia.

 

Source #5: Kaatz, Anna & Carnes, Molly. (2014-06). Stuck in the Out-Group: Jennifer Can’t Grow Up, Jane’s Invisible, and Janet’s Over the Hill. Journal of Women’s Health, vol. 23, (issue 6), pp. 481-484.

 

Source #7: Savigny, Heather. (2014). Women, Know Your Limits: Cultural Sexism in Academia. Gender and Education, vol. 26, no. 7, (issue 794). Bournemouth University, Bournemouth, U.K.

 

Source #9: Oreskes, Naomi. (1996). Objectivity or Heroism? On the Invisibility of Women in Science. Osiris, vol. 11, pp. 87-113.

 

Issues Raised in Existing Literature on this Topic

  1. Making women distinguishable from men could be counterproductive because it could facilitate discrimination against women. i.e. Writers could choose to cite men (consciously or subconsciously) rather than women due to their own prejudices.

 

Source #3: Dion, Michelle L.; Lawrence Sumner, Jane & McLaughlin, Sara. (2018). Gendered Citation Patterns across Political Science and Social Science Methodology Fields. Political Analysis.

 

This study found that men are cited more frequently than women. In cases where men form the minority in terms of the numbers present a particular domain, men are cited less than women, but they are still cited more than their percentage presence in the domain would lead one to expect. These trends are perpetuated by both men and women. Even so, women cite other women at a higher rate than men cite women.

 

My constructive criticism for this study would be that they appear not to have enquired as to whether writers knew the gender of all the authors they were citing. This is relevant because with the current citing and referencing conventions in use gender is not immediately apparent. As such, one may need to make a concerted effort to discover the gender of each author, unless the authors themselves are already known to the writer. In other words, the initial question to ask is “did the authors know they were citing men or women when they cited them”? In this way, it could be established whether women were aware of the gender of many of the authors they were citing.

 

  1. Making women distinguishable from men could be counterproductive because it could promote the tendency for men to appear more prestigious because of the way men are generally referred to versus how women are generally referred to when gender is known.

 

  1. Specifically, men tend to be referred to by surname only, whereas women tend to be referred to by full name (i.e. first name and surname) or even sometimes by first name only. E.g. Clinton as opposed to Hillary. If one just says Clinton, one assumes the person referred to is President Bill Clinton. As such, during the presidential election Hillary Clinton was often referred to simply by Hillary.

 

Source #1: Atir, Stav & Ferguson, Melissa J. (2018). How Gender Determines the Way We Speak About Professionals. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, vol. 115, pp. 7278-7283.

 

Source #6: Knobloch-Westerwick, Silvia; Glynn, Carroll J. & Huge, Michael. (2013). The Matilda Effect in Science Communication: An Experiment on Gender Bias in Publication Quality Perceptions and Collaboration Interest. Science Communication, vol. 35, (issue 603).

 

One of the main conclusions of these studies was that the way we speak about others influences and is influenced by the way we think about them. Thus, it is important to change the way we speak about people so that we may consciously decide how they will be perceived. Some may say that it would be better to simply decide to refer to all people by their surname only – as is essentially done in the A.P.A. convention. However, it may be unrealistic to try to change centuries or perhaps millennia of tradition in men’s ownership of surnames and this may lead to no adjustment in outcome. A more realistic approach might be to decide to refer to everyone by their full name and standardize that as the norm.

 

  1. Studies have shown that being referred to by surname only (as men tend to be referred to) leads the audience to have a more prestigious view of the person being discussed. Hence, there is a certain circularity in the prestige accorded to people who are cited by surname only.

 

Source #1: Atir, Stav & Ferguson, Melissa J. (2018). How Gender Determines the Way We Speak About Professionals. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, vol. 115, pp. 7278-7283.

 

Source #2: Burbules, Nicholas C. (2013-11-12). The Paradigmatic Differences Between Name/Date and Footnote Styles of Citation. Educational Research: Material Culture and Its Representation, vol. 8, pp. 191-199. Publisher: Springer, Cham.

 

Similarly to that stated above in a), the solution may be to standardize how people are referred to and mandate their full name be used. At very least, it could be drawn to the public’s attention that it is not as respectful to refer to women by first name only and that men are given unjustified prestige when referred to by surname only. In this way, it may encourage people of all genders being referred to by only their full name.

 

  1. Making females more visible may not actually do anything to dissociate surnames from concepts of maleness.

 

Source #6: Knobloch-Westerwick, Silvia; Glynn, Carroll J. & Huge, Michael. (2013). The Matilda Effect in Science Communication: An Experiment on Gender Bias in Publication Quality Perceptions and Collaboration Interest. Science Communication, vol. 35, (issue 603).

 

  1. It may be very difficult to determine what (if any) citation style would be truly objective.

 

  1. Furthermore, the most objective format may not necessarily be the best format for transforming gender stereotypes.

 

  1. How would gender be identified in the case of forenames of foreign (non-English language) origin? This last question will not be delved into during the course of this study.

 

Major Conclusions

  1. It is important for women to contribute their thoughts and opinions to all scientific and academic structures, including citing conventions, organization of power and decisions on what is truly objective or not.

 

  1. Women should be involved in the process of deciding on anything that affects them, and since everything affects them, women should be involved in all decision-making.

 

  1. Every decision should be analyzed to determine whether or not it progresses, hinders or retrogresses ideals of gender equity in academia.

 

Source #5: Kaatz, Anna & Carnes, Molly. (2014-06). Stuck in the Out-Group: Jennifer Can’t Grow Up, Jane’s Invisible, and Janet’s Over the Hill. Journal of Women’s Health, vol. 23, (issue 6), pp. 481-484.

 

Source #7: Savigny, Heather. (2014). Women, Know Your Limits: Cultural Sexism in Academia. Gender and Education, vol. 26, no. 7, (issue 794). Bournemouth University, Bournemouth, U.K.

 

Source #8: Savigny, Heather. (2017-11). Cultural Sexism is Ordinary: Writing and Re‐Writing Women in Academia. Gender, Work & Organization, vol. 24, (issue 6), pp. 643-655.

 

Source #9: Oreskes, Naomi. (1996). Objectivity or Heroism? On the Invisibility of Women in Science. Osiris, vol. 11, pp. 87-113.

 

Summary

Gender bias in implicit in every single social interaction, regardless of the gender of those involved. In order to transform the existing order and biases, gender bias must be first identified and acknowledged. Leaving blame out of the equation could assist in the acknowledgement of such biases, especially since research shows they are perpetrated by males and females alike. Secondly, we must come up with ways in which gender bias may be combatted because if nothing is done to try to change the situation gender bias will continue to unfairly affect how people are perceived in terms of prestige and how much exposure they receive. Lastly, these ideas must be tried out to see if they will work as temporary or long-term solutions to reducing gender bias.

Although it may be difficult to decide on which referencing format to choose in order to promote ideals of gender equity and fairness, and even if referencing full names may initially be counterproductive for females, any effort is better than just leaving the existing status quo intact. To this end, women should be integrally involved in contributing to solutions at every level of decision-making and implementation of structures.

 

References

Atir, Stav & Ferguson, Melissa J. (2018). How Gender Determines the Way We Speak About Professionals. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, vol. 115, pp. 7278-7283. Retrieved from https://roberta345.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/34280-atirferguson_pnas_2018.pdf ü

Burbules, Nicholas C. (2013-11-12). The Paradigmatic Differences Between Name/Date and Footnote Styles of Citation. Educational Research: Material Culture and Its Representation, vol. 8, pp. 191-199. Publisher: Springer, Cham. Retrieved from https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-319-03083-8_13

Dion, Michelle L.; Lawrence Sumner, Jane & McLaughlin, Sara. (2018). Gendered Citation Patterns across Political Science and Social Science Methodology Fields. Political Analysis, vol. Doi:10.7910/DVN/R7AQT1. Retrieved from http://michelledion.com/files/DSM2018PAfinal.pdf ü

Garnham, Alan; Doehren, Sam & Gygax, Pascal. (2015). True Gender Ratios and Stereotype Rating Norms. Frontal Psychology, vol. 6, (issue 1023). Published online 2015-07-22. Doi: [10.3389/fpsyg.2015.01023] Retrieved from https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4510832/ and https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fpsyg.2015.01023/full ü

Kaatz, Anna & Carnes, Molly. (2014-06). Stuck in the Out-Group: Jennifer Can’t Grow Up, Jane’s Invisible, and Janet’s Over the Hill. Journal of Women’s Health, vol. 23, (issue 6), pp. 481-484. Doi: 10.1089/jwh.2014.4766. Published online 2014-05-20. Retrieved from https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/24844292 and http://europepmc.org/articles/PMC4046346 ü

Knobloch-Westerwick, Silvia; Glynn, Carroll J. & Huge, Michael. (2013). The Matilda Effect in Science Communication: An Experiment on Gender Bias in Publication Quality Perceptions and Collaboration Interest. Science Communication, vol. 35, (issue 603). First published 2013-02-06. https://doi.org/10.1177/1075547012472684 Retrieved from http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/1075547012472684 and https://www.kcl.ac.uk/ioppn/depts/addictions/Diversity-Inclusion/Matilda-effect-Science-Communication-2013-Knobloch-Westerwick-603-25.pdf ü

Savigny, Heather. (2014). Women, Know Your Limits: Cultural Sexism in Academia. Gender and Education, vol. 26, no. 7, (issue 794). Bournemouth University, Bournemouth, U.K. Retrieved from http://eprints.bournemouth.ac.uk/21459/1/G%26E%20final%20version.pdf ü

Savigny, Heather. (2017-11). Cultural Sexism is Ordinary: Writing and Re‐Writing Women in Academia. Gender, Work & Organization, vol. 24, (issue 6), pp. 643-655. First published 2017-07-05 https://doi.org/10.1111/gwao.12190 Retrieved from https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/gwao.12190

 

Important Older References

Oreskes, Naomi. (1996). Objectivity or Heroism? On the Invisibility of Women in Science. Osiris, vol. 11, pp. 87-113. Won the Margaret W. Rossiter History of Women in Science Prize in 2000. Retrieved from https://www.jstor.org/stable/301928?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents

Thompson, Audrey. (2004). Gentlemanly Orthodoxy: Critical Race Feminism, Whiteness Theory, and the APA Manual. Educational Theory, vol. 54, (issue 1), p. 2. First published 28 June 2008 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-5446.2004.t01-5-00abs.x Retrieved from https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1741-5446.2004.t01-5-00abs.x

van den Brink, Marieke & Lineke Stobbe, Lineke. (2009-06-22). Doing Gender in Academic Education: The Paradox of Visibility. Gender, Work & Organization, vol. 16, (issue 4), pp. 451-470. Retrieved from https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0432.2008.00428.x

M10U4A3 Literature Review Outline

Introduction

A fundamental aspect of any scientific domain is an accurate referencing system for resources. The question of how to reference a resource is usually perceived as something straightforward, simple and objective. Traditionally, the choice of format for referencing of resources has been decided arbitrarily by academic associations, such as the American Psychological Association (A.P.A.), who then disseminate these conventions and compel mandatory adherence to them. However, the fact that every scientific domain exists within the societal context, and the realization (through various studies) that the format in which a resource is referenced influences and is influenced by societal biases, should lead us to reevaluate the appropriateness of the arbitrary resource referencing conventions currently in use. Changes over time in gender roles, in how women are viewed, and in the level of female participation and or recognition in scientific domains may warrant a change in how resources are referenced to better reflect this and to continue to progress these trends. As researchers it is our duty to question whether these conventional referencing formats are in fact the best for meeting the needs of contemporary society and for promoting contemporary ideals of equality, fairness and impartiality. To this end, the contribution and input of female researchers on the design and format of a future referencing system is not only imperative but could also be both insightful and transformational.

For the purposes of this paper, we will concentrate only on the way in which authors’ names are referenced. One of the main principles in current resource referencing systems is the indistinguishability of female researchers or authors from male authors. For example, A.P.A. References would reference a source within a paragraph in the format Surname (Year of Publication) or (Surname, Year of Publication), e.g. Oreskes (1996) or (Oreskes, 1996). A source referenced in a bibliography would be referenced as follows: Surname, Initial Letter of Forename(s). (Year of Publication). Title. [etc.] For example:

Oreskes, N. (1996). Objectivity or Heroism? On the Invisibility of Women in Science. Osiris, vol. 11, pp. 87-113.

Indistinguishability of female authors from male authors is accomplished by using surname-only references. In almost every culture, and certainly in English-speaking and European derived cultures, the way a female is distinguished from a man by name is mainly in terms of the forenames she is assigned at birth. This study is aimed at a Western audience, hence we will focus exclusively on the effect of surname-only referencing conventions for surnames and forenames of Western European origin, especially those of British origin. In other words, authors whose names are of British etymology. In European and English-speaking cultures certain forenames are used for males and certain are used for females and a small number of forenames are unisex or gender neutral. According to Gender Checker (www.GenderChecker.com) 7% of the 102,000 unique forenames used in the United Kingdom in 2011 were unisex and 45% were male only, 48% were female only.

This principle of gender indistinguishability – which is achieved by referencing only the first letter of the forename(s) – initially appears to be completely objective and therefore desirable for scientific purposes. However, we aim to demonstrate in this study that rendering females indistinguishable or invisible is actually counterproductive in terms of improving equal perception of females and in destroying existing negative societal stereotypes about them. I will avoid nicknames as much as possible.

 

Hypothesis

The use of non-gender specific, conventional, scientific referencing to make women appear to be indistinct from men does not actually eliminate – nor does it contribute to transforming – the current stereotype of male dominance or majority male participation in academics and research. Rather, this convention simply renders invisible women’s participation in academics and research.

 

Purpose

Thesis Topic

To demonstrate that conventional referencing practices (viz. those that use only surnames and forename initials) do not change the public’s mental stereotypes about researchers and academics being predominantly male. In fact, these practices may further contribute to mental assumptions of maleness, possibly erroneously attributing (at the subconscious level) some publications written by females to males in the readership’s eyes.

 

Reasoning Behind these Assumptions of Maleness

  1. Origins of surnames:
    1. Many surnames have simply been adapted from a male’s forename and passed from father to children (patrilineally). E.g. Benson = son of Ben, Ericson = son of Eric, Peterson = son of Peter, Thomas, Arnold, Henry, William, Williams = William’s.
    2. Males were considered the ‘bearers’ of the surname: “mistress of X”. For this reason, women took (and to great extent still take) the surname of their spouse. For this reason also, it is more common to call males by their surname only, and females by their first name only, since this is the only name which is likely to be consistent for the female throughout her lifetime.
    3. Males were the ones who traditionally held professions and trades. Therefore, where the surname is derived from the word for a trade or occupation, the occupation would have referred to that of the male or males in the family or household. E.g. Smith, Porter, Miller, Mason, etc.
    4. Men were and still are to a great extent considered the ‘head of the household’. Where the surname originated from a place name, it would be indicative of the male’s place of origin (or the female’s father’s place of origin). E.g. Brooke, Greene, Banks, Townsend = Town’s end, French, Holland, Moore, English, Scott, etc.
  2. These concrete linguistic, historic and connotative markers automatically allude to a male presence in most surnames.
  3. Therefore, the only way to transform the current bias in surname ownership is to make females’ presence more visible (and not indistinct to that of males).

 

Discussion Outline

Issues Raised in the Articles

  1. Making women distinguishable from men could be counterproductive because it could facilitate discrimination against women. i.e. Users could choose to cite men (consciously or subconsciously) rather than women due to their own prejudices.

 

Source #3: Dion, Michelle L.; Lawrence Sumner, Jane & McLaughlin, Sara. (2018). Gendered Citation Patterns across Political Science and Social Science Methodology Fields. Political Analysis, vol. Doi:10.7910/DVN/R7AQT1. Retrieved from http://michelledion.com/files/DSM2018PAfinal.pdf

 

  1. Making women distinguishable from men could be counterproductive because it could promote the tendency for men to appear more prestigious because of the way men are referred to versus how women are referred to when gender is known.

 

  1. Specifically, men tend to be referred to by surname only, whereas women tend to be referred to by full name or even sometimes by first name.

 

Source #1: Atir, Stav & Ferguson, Melissa J. (2018). How Gender Determines the Way We Speak About Professionals. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, vol. 115, pp. 7278-7283. Retrieved from https://roberta345.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/34280-atirferguson_pnas_2018.pdf

 

Source #6: Knobloch-Westerwick, Silvia; Glynn, Carroll J. & Huge, Michael. (2013). The Matilda Effect in Science Communication: An Experiment on Gender Bias in Publication Quality Perceptions and Collaboration Interest. Science Communication, vol. 35, (issue 603). First published 2013-02-06. https://doi.org/10.1177/1075547012472684 Retrieved from http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/1075547012472684 and https://www.kcl.ac.uk/ioppn/depts/addictions/Diversity-Inclusion/Matilda-effect-Science-Communication-2013-Knobloch-Westerwick-603-25.pdf

 

  1. Studies have shown that being referred to by surname only (as men tend to be referred to) leads the audience to have a more prestigious view of the person being discussed. Hence, there is a certain circularity in the prestige accorded to people who are cited by surname only.

 

Source #1: Atir, Stav & Ferguson, Melissa J. (2018). How Gender Determines the Way We Speak About Professionals. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, vol. 115, pp. 7278-7283. Retrieved from https://roberta345.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/34280-atirferguson_pnas_2018.pdf

 

Source #2: Burbules, Nicholas C. (2013-11-12). The Paradigmatic Differences Between Name/Date and Footnote Styles of Citation. Educational Research: Material Culture and Its Representation, vol. 8, pp. 191-199. Publisher: Springer, Cham. Retrieved from https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-319-03083-8_13

 

  1. Making females more visible may not actually do anything to dissociate surnames from concepts of maleness.

 

Source #6: Knobloch-Westerwick, Silvia; Glynn, Carroll J. & Huge, Michael. (2013). The Matilda Effect in Science Communication: An Experiment on Gender Bias in Publication Quality Perceptions and Collaboration Interest. Science Communication, vol. 35, (issue 603). First published 2013-02-06. https://doi.org/10.1177/1075547012472684 Retrieved from http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/1075547012472684 and https://www.kcl.ac.uk/ioppn/depts/addictions/Diversity-Inclusion/Matilda-effect-Science-Communication-2013-Knobloch-Westerwick-603-25.pdf

 

  1. It may be very difficult to determine what (if any) citation style would be truly objective.

 

  1. Furthermore, the most objective format may not necessarily be the best format for transforming gender stereotypes.

 

  1. How would gender be identified in the case of forenames of foreign (non-English language) origin?

 

This last question will not be delved into during the course of this study.

 

Summary

Patterns Observed in Findings

  1. Women and men behave similarly in terms of preferring men over women in terms of their choice of works to cite.

 

Source #3: Dion, Michelle L.; Lawrence Sumner, Jane & McLaughlin, Sara. (2018). Gendered Citation Patterns across Political Science and Social Science Methodology Fields. Political Analysis, vol. Doi:10.7910/DVN/R7AQT1. Retrieved from http://michelledion.com/files/DSM2018PAfinal.pdf

 

  1. Gender bias occurs at all levels of society and within every single social interaction, regardless of whether those acting or interacting are male or female. For this reason, it may be difficult to eliminate or diminish gender bias in academia.

 

Source #5: Kaatz, Anna & Carnes, Molly. (2014-06). Stuck in the Out-Group: Jennifer Can’t Grow Up, Jane’s Invisible, and Janet’s Over the Hill. Journal of Women’s Health, vol. 23, (issue 6), pp. 481-484. Doi: 10.1089/jwh.2014.4766. Published online 2014-05-20. Retrieved from https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/24844292 and http://europepmc.org/articles/PMC4046346

 

Source #7: Savigny, Heather. (2014). Women, Know Your Limits: Cultural Sexism in Academia. Gender and Education, vol. 26, no. 7, (issue 794). Bournemouth University, Bournemouth, U.K. Retrieved from http://eprints.bournemouth.ac.uk/21459/1/G%26E%20final%20version.pdf

 

Major Conclusions

  1. It is important for women to contribute their thoughts and opinions to all scientific and academic structures, including citing conventions, organization of power and decisions on what is truly objective or not.

 

  1. Women should be involved in the process of deciding on anything that affects them, and since everything affects them, women should be involved in all decision-making.

 

  1. Every decision should be analyzed to determine whether or not it progresses, hinders or retrogresses ideals of gender equality in academia.

 

Source #5: Kaatz, Anna & Carnes, Molly. (2014-06). Stuck in the Out-Group: Jennifer Can’t Grow Up, Jane’s Invisible, and Janet’s Over the Hill. Journal of Women’s Health, vol. 23, (issue 6), pp. 481-484. Doi: 10.1089/jwh.2014.4766. Published online 2014-05-20. Retrieved from https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/24844292 and http://europepmc.org/articles/PMC4046346

 

Source #7: Savigny, Heather. (2014). Women, Know Your Limits: Cultural Sexism in Academia. Gender and Education, vol. 26, no. 7, (issue 794). Bournemouth University, Bournemouth, U.K. Retrieved from http://eprints.bournemouth.ac.uk/21459/1/G%26E%20final%20version.pdf

 

Source #8: Savigny, Heather. (2017-11). Cultural Sexism is Ordinary: Writing and Re‐Writing Women in Academia. Gender, Work & Organization, vol. 24, (issue 6), pp. 643-655. First published 2017-07-05 https://doi.org/10.1111/gwao.12190 Retrieved from https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/gwao.12190

 

References

Atir, Stav & Ferguson, Melissa J. (2018). How Gender Determines the Way We Speak About Professionals. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, vol. 115, pp. 7278-7283. Retrieved from https://roberta345.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/34280-atirferguson_pnas_2018.pdf ü

Burbules, Nicholas C. (2013-11-12). The Paradigmatic Differences Between Name/Date and Footnote Styles of Citation. Educational Research: Material Culture and Its Representation, vol. 8, pp. 191-199. Publisher: Springer, Cham. Retrieved from https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-319-03083-8_13

Dion, Michelle L.; Lawrence Sumner, Jane & McLaughlin, Sara. (2018). Gendered Citation Patterns across Political Science and Social Science Methodology Fields. Political Analysis, vol. Doi:10.7910/DVN/R7AQT1. Retrieved from http://michelledion.com/files/DSM2018PAfinal.pdf ü

Garnham, Alan; Doehren, Sam & Gygax, Pascal. (2015). True Gender Ratios and Stereotype Rating Norms. Frontal Psychology, vol. 6, (issue 1023). Published online 2015-07-22. Doi: [10.3389/fpsyg.2015.01023] Retrieved from https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4510832/ and https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fpsyg.2015.01023/full ü

Kaatz, Anna & Carnes, Molly. (2014-06). Stuck in the Out-Group: Jennifer Can’t Grow Up, Jane’s Invisible, and Janet’s Over the Hill. Journal of Women’s Health, vol. 23, (issue 6), pp. 481-484. Doi: 10.1089/jwh.2014.4766. Published online 2014-05-20. Retrieved from https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/24844292 and http://europepmc.org/articles/PMC4046346 ü

Knobloch-Westerwick, Silvia; Glynn, Carroll J. & Huge, Michael. (2013). The Matilda Effect in Science Communication: An Experiment on Gender Bias in Publication Quality Perceptions and Collaboration Interest. Science Communication, vol. 35, (issue 603). First published 2013-02-06. https://doi.org/10.1177/1075547012472684 Retrieved from http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/1075547012472684 and https://www.kcl.ac.uk/ioppn/depts/addictions/Diversity-Inclusion/Matilda-effect-Science-Communication-2013-Knobloch-Westerwick-603-25.pdf ü

Savigny, Heather. (2014). Women, Know Your Limits: Cultural Sexism in Academia. Gender and Education, vol. 26, no. 7, (issue 794). Bournemouth University, Bournemouth, U.K. Retrieved from http://eprints.bournemouth.ac.uk/21459/1/G%26E%20final%20version.pdf ü

Savigny, Heather. (2017-11). Cultural Sexism is Ordinary: Writing and Re‐Writing Women in Academia. Gender, Work & Organization, vol. 24, (issue 6), pp. 643-655. First published 2017-07-05 https://doi.org/10.1111/gwao.12190 Retrieved from https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/gwao.12190

 

Important Older References

Oreskes, Naomi. (1996). Objectivity or Heroism? On the Invisibility of Women in Science. Osiris, vol. 11, pp. 87-113. Won the Margaret W. Rossiter History of Women in Science Prize in 2000. Retrieved from https://www.jstor.org/stable/301928?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents

Thompson, Audrey. (2004). Gentlemanly Orthodoxy: Critical Race Feminism, Whiteness Theory, and the APA Manual. Educational Theory, vol. 54, (issue 1), p. 2. First published 28 June 2008 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-5446.2004.t01-5-00abs.x Retrieved from https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1741-5446.2004.t01-5-00abs.x

van den Brink, Marieke & Lineke Stobbe, Lineke. (2009-06-22). Doing Gender in Academic Education: The Paradox of Visibility. Gender, Work & Organization, vol. 16, (issue 4), pp. 451-470. Retrieved from https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0432.2008.00428.x

 

Extra Bibliography

Aiston, Sarah Jane & Zi Yang, Zi. (2017-06-29). “Absent Data, Absent Women”: Gender and Higher Education Leadership. SAGE Journals, https://doi.org/10.1177/1478210317716298 Retrieved from http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/1478210317716298?journalCode=pfea

Atchison, Amy L. (2017) Negating the Gender Citation Advantage in Political Science. PS: Political Science & Politics, vol. 50, (issue 02), pp. 448-455. Published online 2017-03-31. Retrieved from https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/ps-political-science-and-politics/article/negating-the-gender-citation-advantage-in-political-science/C0DEFE459C7A5DA7B8A128195383A9CA

Benschop, Yvonne & Brouns, Margo. (2003-03-10). Crumbling Ivory Towers: Academic Organizing and its Gender Effects. Gender, Work & Organization, vol. 10, (issue 2). https://doi.org/10.1111/1468-0432.t01-1-00011 Retrieved from https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/1468-0432.t01-1-00011

Bilimoria, D., Joy, S., & Liang, X. (2008). Breaking barriers and creating inclusiveness: Lessons of organizational transformation to advance women faculty in academic science and engineering. Human Resource Management, 47, 423–441.

Borsuk, R. M., Aarssen, L. W., Budden, A. E., Koricheva, J., Leimu, R., Tregenza, T., & Lortie, C. J. (2009). To name or not to name: The effect of changing author gender on peer review. BioScience, 59, 985–989.

Ceci, Stephen J.; Ginther, Donna K.; Kahn, Shulamit & Williams, Wendy M. (2014-12). Women in Academic Science: A Changing Landscape. Psychological Science Public Interest, vol. 15, (issue 3), pp. 75-141. Doi: 10.1177/1529100614541236. Retrieved from https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/26172066 and http://www.umass.edu/preferen/You%20Must%20Read%20This/CeciGintherKahnWilliamsPSPI-10-2014.pdf

Gaucher, Danielle; Friesen, Justin & Kay, Aaron C. (2011-07). Evidence that Gendered Wording in Job Advertisements Exists and Sustains Gender Inequality. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 101, (issue 1), pp. 109-128. APA PsycNET Direct. American Psychological Association (APA). Retrieved from http://psycnet.apa.org/buy/2011-04642-001

Goltz, Sonia M.& Sotirin, Patty. (2014). From Academics to Change Agents in a Gender Equity Initiative. Organization Management Journal, vol. 11, no. 3, (issue 194). Retrieved from

Hoffman, F., & Oreopoulos, P. (2007-06). A Professor Like Me: The Influence of Instructor Gender on College Achievement. NBER Working Paper No. 13182. Washington, D.C. National Bureau of Economic Research. Retrieved from http://www.nber.org/papers/w13182

Karcher, Sebastian & Zumstein, Philipp. (2016). Citation Styles: History, Practice, and Future. Authorea. Retrieved from https://www.authorea.com/users/102264/articles/124920-citation-styles-history-practice-and-future/_show_article

Latimer, Melissa; Jackson, Kasi; Dilks, Lisa; Nolan, James & Tower, Leslie. (2014). Organizational Change and Gender Equity in Academia: Using Dialogical Change to Promote Positive Departmental Climates. Gender Transformation in the Academy, (issues 333-353). Doi: 10.1108/S1529-212620140000019015. Retrieved from

Maliniak, Daniel; Powers, Ryan & Walter, Barbara F. (2013-10). The Gender Citation Gap in International Relations. International Organization (IO), vol. 67, (issue 4), pp. 889-922. Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020818313000209 Published online 2013-08-28. Retrieved from https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/international-organization/article/gender-citation-gap-in-international-relations/3A769C5CFA7E24C32641CDB2FD03126A

Marx Ferree, Myra & Zippel, Kathrin. (2015-11). Gender Equality in the Age of Academic Capitalism: Cassandra and Pollyanna Interpret University Restructuring. Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State & Society, vol. 22, (issue 4). Doi: 10.1093/sp/jxv039. Retrieved from https://www.researchgate.net/publication/283583461_Gender_Equality_in_the_Age_of_Academic_Capitalism_Cassandra_and_Pollyanna_Interpret_University_Restructuring

Mehrabian, A. & Valdez, P. (1990). Basic Name Connotations and Related Sex Stereotyping. Psychological Reports, vol. 66, no. 1-2. Retrieved from

National Research Council. (2013). Seeking Solutions: Maximizing American Talent by Advancing Women of Color in Academia: Summary of a Conference. Washington, D.C. The National Academies Press.

Smart, S. & Waldfogel, J. (1996-02). A Citation-Based Test for Discrimination at Economics and Finance Journals. NBER Working Paper No. 5460. Washington, DC: National Bureau of Economic Research. Retrieved from http://www. nber.org/papers/w5460

Sotudeh, Hajar; Dehdarirad, Tahereh & Freer, Jonathan. (2018). Gender Differences in Scientific Productivity and Visibility in Core Neurosurgery Journals: Citations and Social Media Metrics. Research Evaluation 81. Published online 2018-03-02.

Steele, C. M. (1997). A threat is in the air: How stereotypes shape intellectual identity and performance. American Psychologist, 52, 613–629.

van den Brink, Marieke & Benschop, Yvonne. (2011-07-29). Gender Practices in the Construction of Academic Excellence: Sheep with Five Legs. https://doi.org/10.1177/1350508411414293 Retrieved from http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/1350508411414293

West, Jevin D.; Jacquet, Jennifer; King, Molly M.; Correll, Shelley J. & Bergstrom, Carl T. (2013-07-22). The Role of Gender in Scholarly Authorship. PLoS One, vol. 8, (issue 7): e66212. Edited by: Lilach Hadany. Retrieved from https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3718784/

Zippel, Kathrin & Marx Ferree, Myra. (2018). Organizational Interventions and the Creation of Gendered Knowledge: US Universities and NSF ADVANCE. Gender, Work & Organization. Retrieved from https://www.researchgate.net/publication/327696468_Organizational_interventions_and_the_creation_of_gendered_knowledge_US_universities_and_NSF_ADVANCE

 

M1U1A3 Is Teaching a Profession?

Written: 2015-05

In former generations, most people agreed that to teach was to transfer knowledge from someone knowledgeable on a particular topic to someone who did not have that knowledge on that topic. Nowadays, most people agree that teaching can be that, but can also be simply directing others to where they may obtain knowledge or showing them how to learn, i.e. more like a guide. I believe the question of whether teaching is or is not a profession stems from the fact that teachers come in all forms. They can be actual teachers, friends, bosses, colleagues, tour guides, children, religious associates or just about anyone. Something important and relevant on any topic or subject can be learned from anyone, regardless of their status. For example, our first teachers are our parents. They teach us to speak our first language, how to behave in society and how to take care of our bodies, among other things.

Professions are jobs that usually have a defined set of roles, expectations, requirements to meet for qualification and performance outcomes. Since a teacher can be anyone, it might seem that there are no set requirements for being a teacher and hence it cannot be considered a profession, but I believe that nothing could be farther from the truth. You see, teaching and learning deal with the expansion of knowledge. By its very nature, knowledge changes, evolves and grows. This growth and change is evident in all professions. We all notice in other professions the increase in required knowledge and changes in what is considered the minimum acceptable behavior. For example, using the three boilerplate professions which no­one dare deny are professions: medicine, law and accounting: 1) anyone will agree that medicine today is a much more comprehensive and complex field than medicine half­a­century ago and physicians are required to spend the necessary extra years to learn this new information and to practice it (in medical residency), 2) laws are repealed and new laws are written and attorneys too must master this new knowledge passing the associated exams to obtain their qualifications, 3) lastly, turning to accountants, we have all observed the introduction of ethics practices into accounting and there is now a mandatory course devoted solely to ethics that did not exist a century ago – even though ethics does not apply only to accounting but is a very general subject area.

So why is teaching different? If teaching is a profession, why is it not as structured as these other professions? The answer lies in the fact that teaching is concerned with the essence of knowledge itself. The other professions, deal only with specific areas of knowledge (medicine, law, accounting) and anything else that may be required to ensure that the use of that knowledge is executed properly (e.g. ethics), whereas teaching covers all of those and more. Teaching and learning pertains to everything. How can one structure, codify and test “everything”? It cannot be done.

I am not saying that teachers should not be taught about theories of learning and teaching or should not meet certain requirements before being launched upon the world of students. No, not at all! Even if anyone can teach someone else something, to become a formal teacher, there should indeed be minimal standards and a set of defined information that is required knowledge. Unfortunately, in teaching, as in medicine, law and accounting, there is a conspicuous lack of standardization across borders. For each of these professions, every U.S. state has different requirements. Every Canadian province has different requirements. Standards differ by country and by region. But, think carefully… did you not notice that informal standards even differ within the same town or city? The teaching and learning at one school can be light years different from the teaching and learning at another school in the same town or city. Is it not exactly the same for doctors, accountants and lawyers? Not all doctors are interchangeable. Why do you go to the doctor you consider your family doctor or internal doctor? Can you honestly say you would be just as happy if another doctor from another country (or even from your same city), but whom you had never met before turned up to examine you when you came in about some symptom you were concerned about? He might be a great doctor, but just not one you feel comfortable with. Suppose your house burned down and rather than pay, the insurance company accused you of insurance fraud when you submitted the claim. Would you be happy with just any lawyer representing you? With the wrong lawyer, you might not just lose your place of residence or any right to compensation, you might lose your case and go to prison! So, we agree that even with standardization of requirements for professions, human variation plays a great role in the actual outcome.

In today’s world, teachers need to know how to be incredibly flexible; they need to understand their role as guide and be open to using almost any tool to assist their students’ learning. Not only is knowledge constantly changing, but, so are people. The type of youth teachers deal with today are nothing like youth of twenty or even fifteen years ago. The human factor –the people factor –is the other thing that makes teaching very different from other professions. Even if you consider that you have a relationship with your doctor, in no other profession, not even psychiatry, does a professional have to learn someone on such an intimate level and share so much of themselves too as do teachers. To be a successful teacher is to demonstrate caring and giving to students on an unprecedented level. It is no coincidence that teachers often refer to their students as “their children” and to themselves as “the school mother or father”. The type of relationship developed between a good teacher and their students is more akin to that of a family member than that of a hired professional. Students learn everything from morality to personal interactions to how to get a job from teachers – whether explicitly or implicitly taught or modeled. I believe it is this intensely personal interaction that confuses people about whether or not teaching is a profession. Teachers often deal with children suffering from an abusive home life and many teachers reach those children on a level even their doctors have been unable to do, in a situation where the most elemental benefactors – the parents – have betrayed their child’s trust. Essentially, teachers are parents and everything else to their students.

Teachers are contortionists of the highest order: contorting, flowing, changing and growing into any role that is needed – all to serve the greater societal good by assisting our children to develop into happy, successful beings. Teachers need to be ready at a moment’s notice to accept and embrace new truths about the universe and guide each student onto the path that is right for that individual. I believe teaching is a profession because it is in fact held to the highest standard of all – that of producing productive, participatory citizens. In my opinion, for all the reasons mentioned and more, teaching should be held above all other professions because it touches on everything. Whether you decide to become a physician, an attorney or an accountant, you will first be taught by a teacher. I agree that there needs to be more streamlining in terms of requirements and certifications for teaching (and for all professions), especially across borders. First, however, we need to learn to give a greater amount of respect to teachers and show more gratitude to them. At the very least, we should give the respect of being considered a profession to teaching.

M10U3A2 Supporting Diversity in My Students

Blog

  • Write an online blog in which you reflect on what you learned during your clinical experiences, and the new information presented in this module.
  • Reflect on how these and other experiences have prepared you to support students from diverse cultural groups at your school.
  • Find two additional journal articles and two online resources that provide greater insight into how to support the specific student populations of your school, then add recommendations from these articles to your blog.

 

What I Have Learned During My Practical Teaching Experiences

Teaching Reading

Since starting to teach in Saint Albans, England, U.K. over the last eight weeks, I have observed that some students speak a London dialect where they th-front and produce other non-standard lexical deformations[1], including when they read those words.  Since reading our Teach-Now required reading articles for this module about Ebonics, I now understand that when students read these words and pronounce them that way, I should not interrupt them to make them say the word properly.  (Furthermore, it seems it is hardly ever good practice to interrupt a reader.)  Instead, I will wait until the child has finished reading to then go back and give them feedback on how the word is actually pronounced in standard English.  Adopting this practice would be respecting the multicultural portion of InTASC Standard 1 where I “understand the role that language and culture play in learning and modifying my instruction to make it more comprehensible and accessible to each learner”[2].  I could also “bring multiple perspectives [into] the discussion of [this] content, including [drawing] attention to learners’ personal, family, and community experiences and cultural norms”[3] by pointing out the different dialects of English that exist in the world such as American-English (Southern accents, etc.) and the “Queen’s English”[4].  Now that I am aware of the importance of not denigrating how those children speak at home, and also how easily a teacher could unintentionally do this (especially considering the fact that this British dialect is already looked down upon within the U.K.), I will make the effort to further expand on the point of how there are many different dialects and registers of speech in any language[5].  For example, I could use age-appropriate extracts from comical scenes in films with famous British actor Simon Pegg where he uses London dialect in inappropriate situations and then highlight that there are certain circumstances where it is perfectly fine to speak like that, but other circumstances where it is not.  I would then go on to say that in school, teachers are responsible for ensuring that all students learn how to read, speak and write standard international English, so that our students will be able to travel anywhere in the world where English is spoken or to any part of the U.K. and be easily understood  (Lisa Delpit, 2012).  These actions would communicate respect for and responsiveness to my students’ cultural backgrounds by integrating culturally relevant content to build on my learners’ experiences and cultural norms[6].

Teaching Mathematics

My Year 4 students’ handwriting is atrocious!  Whenever I correct students’ handwriting they try to justify it saying “that’s how I do my number ‘5’” (or whatever letter or number it is).  For mathematics in particular, I have found a response they cannot contest: I tell them that Mathematics is an international language that is written the same way all over the world so that anyone, anywhere in the world, speaking any language can understand it, so they cannot write a ‘5’ like an ‘S’ and think that is alright.  I tell them that the way we write things in Mathematics adheres to an international convention (rules) on how this should be done.

Intervention Groups

At the school where I currently work, every classroom has a teaching assistant (T.A.).  This person is responsible for taking aside small groups of struggling learners and doing interventions with them.  This occurs during class time (but not the entire time), during assembly time and occasionally during part of break time.  An intervention consists in re-teaching the basics in English and Mathematics.  For example, they are given additional reading time where the teaching assistant (T.A.) listens to their reading, or special remedial learning programs are conducted such as “Read, Write, Ink” for phonics and “Right Words” for spelling.  During their Interventions, students use manipulatives and interactive, visual online learning programs with an iPad which may involve methods such as ‘the counting up method’ to try to help students understand the basics concepts in addition, subtraction, multiplication and division.  These students participate in the same learning tasks as all the other students in their class, however, the T.A. assists them in completing their task in some way.  The T.A.’s assistance ranges from providing additional hints and prompts towards the right answer, to having the children answer questions orally and the T.A. writing their answers in the book for them.  In addition to this, we provide this group of learners with tailored simplified tests when we have assessments.  I believe that this system of intervention successfully allows us to “prepare all learners for the demands of particular assessment formats and make appropriate accommodations in assessments or testing conditions, especially for learners with disabilities and language learning needs”[7].

Creating Tolerance for Cultural Diversity and Respecting British Values

In the U.K. there is a school subject called PSHE which could be considered multicultural education.  PSHE stands for personal, social, health and economic education.  “[It] is a school subject [in England] through which pupils develop the knowledge, skills and attributes they need to keep themselves healthy and safe, and prepare for life and work in modern Britain”[8].  Right now, PSHE is taught to students at the school’s option, although it is highly encouraged by the Office for Standards in Education, Children’s Services and Skills (Ofsted).  However, PSHE will become compulsory for all schools in England in the year 2020.  During PSHE, in the unit on British Values, students learn about the West’s modern interpretation of tolerance and freedom and what this means for citizens in these countries.  Things like terrorism, liberty to choose one’s own religion and marriage partner, domestic violence, peer pressure, drugs, the right to vote and democracy are covered.  In addition to this, the religious education subject taught at British schools teaches about most of the world’s main religions (one at a time) and reflects on the moral values espoused by them using concrete scenarios and examples.  In my opinion, these two subjects cover most of my aims in “teaching culturally relevant content which build on learners’ background knowledge and accessing resources which deepen my understanding of cultural, ethnic, gender, and learning differences to build stronger relationships and create more relevant learning expectations”[9].  Some of the homework assignments given for PSHE also require family member involvement which satisfy the multicultural educational aim of “working collaboratively with learners and their families to establish mutual expectations and ongoing communication to support learner development and achievement”[10].  I believe that if proper emphasis is placed on all these strategies and resources I will be able to successfully teach my students multiculturalism and tolerance.

 

References

Brown, Lorraine.  (2009).  International Education: A Force for Peace and Cross-Cultural Understanding?  17 pages.  Bournemouth University, Bournemouth, U.K.  Retrieved from http://eprints.bournemouth.ac.uk/10121/2/journal_for_peace_education.pdf

Delpit, Lisa.  (2012).  Ebonics and Culturally Responsive Instruction: What Should Teachers Do?  Teaching for Equity.  Pp. 149 – 156.  8 pages.  Retrieved from http://purl.dlib.indiana.edu/iudl/lilly/meier/printable/VAB8339-18645  Originally in http://www.RethinkingSchools.org/archive/12 01 /EbDelpit.shtml

Fialová, Barbora.  (2011).  The Multicultural Learning Environment in the USA and the UK.  (Master’s Thesis).  Univerzita Palackého v Olomouci, Filozofická Fakulta, Katedra Anglistiky a Amerikanistiky [Palacky University in Olomouc, Faculty of Philosophy, Department of English and American Studies].  Olomouc, Czech Republic.  Retrieved from https://theses.cz/id/dbh6nl/MA_THESIS.pdf

Gollnick, Donna M. & Chinn, Philip C.  (2013).  Foundations of Multicultural Education.  Pearson Higher Education.  Retrieved from https://www.pearsonhighered.com/assets/samplechapter/0/1/3/7/0137035098.pdf

Hanover Research.  (2014-08).  Strategies for Building Cultural Competency.  District Administration Practice.  Washington, D.C., U.S.A.  www.HanoverResearch.com  Retrieved from https://www.gssaweb.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/04/Strategies-for-Building-Cultural-Competency-1.pdf

Inquiry to Action Group: Social Justice Educators on a Path to Cultural Relevancy.  (2014-03).  Training Module: Developing Cultural Competency Among School Staff.  Contributors: Sheila Myers, Tamara Weiss, Erica Darken, Melanie Berlin, Elizabeth Kim.  Editor: Avery Finch. Partner Text: Rethinking Multicultural Education: Teaching for Racial and Cultural Justice.  24 pages.  Retrieved from http://tagphilly.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/04/Developing-Cultural-Competency-Among-School-Staff.pdf

Modood, Tariq & May, Stephen.  (2001)  Chapter 5: Multiculturalism and Education in Britain: An Internally Contested Debate.  International Journal of Educational Research.  No. 35, Pp. 305 – 317.  13 pages.  Centre for the Study of Ethnicity and Citizenship, University of Bristol.  Pergamon.  Bristol, U.K.  Elsevier Science Ltd.  www.elsevier.com/locate/IJEdures  Retrieved from http://www.tariqmodood.com/uploads/1/2/3/9/12392325/multiculturalism_education_britain.pdf

Rawnsley, Sheila Fusae.  (‎2003).  ‎Taking Multicultural, Anti-Racist Education Seriously: An Interview with Enid Lee.  Horizon, v. 33, no. 1, p. 1-4.  Retrieved from https://summit.sfu.ca/system/files/iritems1/7672/b36597041.pdf

Walker, Allan & Riordan, Geoff.  (2010-02).  Leading Collective Capacity in Culturally Diverse Schools.  School Leadership and Management.  Vol. 30, No. 1, Pp. 51 – 63.  Hong Kong Institute of Education, Hong Kong; The University of Technology, Sydney, Australia.  Routledge Taylor & Francis Group.  Retrieved from http://site25.net/tn/med/m13readings/m13u2a3/Walker_Riordan.pdf

[1]     E.g. London Dialect.  The th-front: saying “fink” for “think”, “free” for “three”; “bave” for “bathe”, “wivout” for “without”; Skipping over the ‘t’ sound before an ‘er’ sound in words like “matter” and “better” which become “ma’er” and “be’er” respectively; changing the ‘d’ sound to a ‘g’ sound so words like “middle” become “miggle”, etc.  Other features of London dialect: “a orange” instead of “an orange”.

[2]     Interstate Teacher Assessment and Support Consortium (InTASC) Standards, 2011.  Standard 1: Understand the role of language and culture in learning and know how to modify instruction to make language comprehensible and instruction relevant, accessible, and challenging.  Source: Gollnick, Donna M. & Chinn, Philip C.  (2013).  Foundations of Multicultural Education.  Pearson Higher Education.  Retrieved from https://www.pearsonhighered.com/assets/samplechapter/0/1/3/7/0137035098.pdf

[3]     InTASC Standard 2: Bring multiple perspectives to the discussion of content, including attention to learners’ personal, family, and community experiences and cultural norms.  Source: ibid.

[4]     Recommendations from: Delpit, Lisa.  (2012).  Ebonics and Culturally Responsive Instruction: What Should Teachers Do?  Teaching for Equity.  Pp. 149 – 156.  8 pages.  Retrieved from http://purl.dlib.indiana.edu/iudl/lilly/meier/printable/VAB8339-18645  Originally in http://www.RethinkingSchools.org/archive/12 01 /EbDelpit.shtml

[5]     Recommendations from: ibid.

[6]     InTASC Standard 3: Communicate verbally and nonverbally in ways that demonstrate respect for and responsiveness to the cultural backgrounds and differing perspectives learners bring to the learning environment.  Standard 4: Know how to integrate culturally relevant content to build on learners’ background knowledge.  Source: Gollnick, Donna M. & Chinn, Philip C.  (2013).  Foundations of Multicultural Education.  Pearson Higher Education.  Retrieved from

https://www.pearsonhighered.com/assets/samplechapter/0/1/3/7/0137035098.pdf

[7]     InTASC Standard 6: Prepare all learners for the demands of particular assessment formats and make appropriate accommodations in assessments or testing conditions, especially for learners with disabilities and language learning needs.  Source: ibid.

[8]     Source: PSHE Association.  (2018-10-20).  Curriculum.  Retrieved from https://www.pshe-association.org.uk/curriculum-and-resources/curriculum

[9]     InTASC Standard 4: Know how to integrate culturally relevant content to build on learners’ background knowledge.  Standard 9: Reflect on my personal biases and access resources to deepen my understanding of cultural, ethnic, gender, and learning differences to build stronger relationships and create more relevant learning expectations.  Source: ibid.

[10] InTASC Standard 10: Work collaboratively with learners and their families to establish mutual expectations and ongoing communication to support learner development and achievement.  Source: ibid.

M10U3A1 The Evolution of My Identity

 

Activity 1: National & International Identities

Blog

  • Write an online blog that describes your own cultural identity, the times at which your cultural identity has changed and why, and your experiences with other cultural groups. Be sure to address each of the following points in your response:

o   Ethnicity

o   Gender

o   Religion

  • Candidate’s blog is a critical analysis of their cultural identity and how it has been influenced by their national and international experiences over time.

 

The Evolution of My Identity over Time

My name is Roberta.  My father is from Cayman Brac, the middle-sized island of the three islands comprising the Cayman Islands, a British Dependent Territory.  My mother is from Trinidad, the larger island of the independent two-island nation of Trinidad and Tobago.  My parents met and wed in Trinidad, and lived there until my father completed one set of his university studies. However, my father did two university degrees, studying in Jamaica, Trinidad, the U.K. and the U.S. As a result of some moving around early in my parents’ relationship, my siblings and I were born in various countries. Nevertheless, since both my parents are from the Caribbean, and there is also where I spent my formative years, my cultural identity is firmly Caribbean.  However, the Caribbean is a region of the world comprising numerous micro nations, some of which are independent and others of which are territories (with varying degrees of autonomy) of the United Kingdom, the United States of America, the Netherlands, France, etc.  Therefore, when it comes down to defining my nationality, it becomes more complicated.  The same is true of my ethnicity.

My First National Identity

When I was a little girl, I believed my national identity to be Trinidadian.  My mother had told me that I was born in Trinidad and that I was Trinidadian, so I accepted that at face value.  However, the peculiarities in having this as my national identity were that, not only was my father Caymanian – so technically, if anything, I was only half-Trinidadian – but I had spent only the first nine months of my life in Trinidad and was growing up on the island of Grand Cayman in the Cayman Islands.  Other than my mother – the only Trinidadian family member around me at that time – there were no other Trinidadians in my life in any significant way.  Nevertheless, the incongruity of this national identity did not come to the forefront of my awareness until a Trinidadian boy joined my school in Year 7.  That confrontation, where I discovered that I knew virtually nothing about Trinidad and Tobago, (not even the geopolitical division of the country in terms of government administrative regions), led me to decide that I was not Trinidadian, but was Caymanian.  In calling myself Trinidadian and finally meeting another child from Trinidad, I felt myself a fraud for my lack of knowledge of that country.  I thought “How can someone be from a country and not know anything about it or not remember having lived there?”.

Taking on a New National Identity

However, I soon realized that changing nationalities – after having told all my peers thus far that I was Trinidadian – was not an easy feat.  Whenever I told someone new that I was Caymanian, my friends would chirp in “Yes, but she was born in Trinidad”, thereby undermining my national identity claim.  I would then have to specify, “Yes, but my father is Caymanian, and I was automatically Caymanian at birth because my parents were married when I was born, and I have lived in Cayman all my life”.  Those new acquaintances, who were often children of two Caymanian parents (as far as they knew), or children whose simplistic conception of ‘nationality’ was that “where you were born is where you are from”, would then look at me dubiously.

My Ultimate National Identity

Later on, after I graduated from university, I decided to get to know my father’s side of the family better, most of whom lived on the island of Cayman Brac.  There, I met cousins who welcomed me as being “a Bracker”.  I relished their warmth and acceptance of me.  For once, I felt a complete sense of belonging.  From that moment on, I decided that I was a Bracker, i.e. a Caymanian from Cayman Brac.  Although I have never lived on that island, I still claim this identity.  When I am in Grand Cayman, (the island where I grew up), it makes it easier for me when I meet new people because they automatically attribute my idiosyncrasies to being a Bracker.  This is because Cayman Brac is a small island and quite a bit of inbreeding took place there, so often, Brackers have a reputation of being a little bit crazy.

Another Difference: My Religion

Another aspect of my life that made me different is that my family had a different religion from the majority.  We were Bahá’ís.  Most people in the Caribbean are Christian.  However, this is one difference that I happily embraced most of the time.  For one, we did not have to go to church every Sunday – a sacrament which seemed tedious (because of the hours just sitting and listening and only participating at specific intervals in specific ways, e.g. singing boring hymns where the worst singers seemed compelled to sign the loudest), repetitive (the same format over and over) and dispassionate to me (no real interaction during the sacrament and only women talking and gossiping and children hanging around waiting on them to finish afterwards).  Instead, we, as Bahá’ís, had feasts every three weeks where we recited beautifully eloquent prayers from prayer books, read holy writings and ate delicious food in someone’s home.  We also had rose gardens every now and then, on Sundays, where all the children would gather together to learn and practice virtues, play games and eat delicious cake and cookies, again, in someone’s home.  In addition, once in a while, we had firesides which involved a lot of talking, singing, perhaps watching Bahá’í videos and having a tasty Caribbean dinner and dessert, also in someone’s home.  These firesides would oftentimes even take place as a real bonfire on the beach with marshmallows and hot dogs roasted over the bonfire on sticks.  “How exciting!”  In addition to these sacraments and practices, on many Bahá’í holy days, we often had dawn prayers where we would all arrive at the beach before sunrise and pray until just after the sun came up, then share breakfast and cakes together.  Every Bahá’í gathering seemed warm, friendly and intimate, with lots of tasty food and familial interaction.

Since they knew I was of a different religion, my tutorial teachers in secondary school would often ask me to say the morning prayer and I gladly obliged.  The Christian children (except the Jehovah’s Witness boy) never seemed to want to pray: praying to them seemed to be an ordeal because they would always have to compose something on the spot in front of the class, which understandably was stressful to them.  Contrastingly, I loved praying and I knew many expressive and poignant Bahá’í prayers by heart.  Nevertheless, I must admit that being a Bahá’í child in a tiny Bahá’í community was sometimes lonely.  None of my best-friends were Bahá’ís.  In my friend group, being Bahá’í was seen as something that confirmed to others my supposed “foreignness”: the only other non-Christian in the group was the boy from Pakistan who was Muslim.  I tried to tell my peers that the Bahá’í Faith is not a majority religion in any country; that there are Bahá’ís in every country in the world; and that my parents encountered and accepted the Bahá’í Faith right there in Cayman, but these explanations fell on deaf ears.  All the other “normal” or “typical” Caymanians they knew were Christian, so being Bahá’í must be another indicator of my foreign roots.

My Ethnicity

In the Caribbean, racial mixing has taken place since the XVth century.  European whites (mostly British, Spanish, French, Portuguese and Dutch) mixed with Amerindians and African Blacks, by force or by desire, or both.  Some nations, such as Trinidad and Tobago, have more diversity because more ethnicities and language groups migrated to their shores in the ensuing centuries (e.g. East Indians, Chinese, etc.).  Other nations, such as the Cayman Islands, have interracial mixing on a large scale mainly between the two main racial groups of white and black for various reasons, one of which was the lack of white women available there for the colonial men in ancient times.  Thus, in the Caribbean, to talk of someone being ‘half-black’ or ‘half-white’ is most probably a drastic simplification.  While it may be possible to track one’s ancestry during the last century (viz. the XIXth century), it is more or less impossible to track one’s ancestry through the previous three centuries, unless all your ancestors were more recent immigrants to the region.  The impossibility of tracking one’s ancestry is especially true if one has visible black African descent: the black people were brought to this region as slaves, and treated and sold back and forth as if they were animals.  As a consequence of this mentality, records (of specific African origin, birth, death and parentage, etc.) were not kept in the same way as for white humans.  The naked truth is that, for the most part, such records simply do not exist.

My complexion is commonly called ‘cookie brown’ because I am about the same color as the pastry part of a chocolate chip cookie, though there is also a bit of a reddish undertone hue to my complexion.  My color is much like that of how Amerindians first used to be depicted in paintings (before they started being portrayed drastically lighter in complexion).  I used to like to call my complexion ‘teddy bear brown’ because I had a favorite teddy bear who was the same color as me.  Growing up in the Cayman Islands, people I interacted with came in all shades of skin, eye and hair color and every color in between.  People’s hair was of all textures imaginable: mine is cotton-like with 4B curls (according to the modern categorization chart of African hair textures).  Most people’s skin color was some shade of brown with the extremes being black and white.  As a result of the non-issue of my skin color in Cayman during the time-period when I grew up, I never really reflected much on what my ethnicity or race was.  I was the majority in terms of how I looked.  I was simply ‘normal’.  As more and more people from foreign countries, where people were not racially mixed, moved to our islands (usually to live for a few years), they simply referred to us as ‘Caymanian’, perhaps preceding this term with the epithet of light-skinned, black, white, or dark-skinned.  Prior to leaving Cayman to live elsewhere, I believed that black, white and brown were all simply descriptions of the color of a person’s skin and that was why there were so many variations in descriptions in between.  Of course, I was aware that there were many racial conflicts taking place all over the world, especially in the United States and South Africa, but I must admit that at that time I did not truly identify with these struggles.

My New Race

When I won a national scholarship at the age of fifteen and moved to Canada, my national identity as ‘Caymanian’ was confirmed and I felt honor bound to live up to my identity as national representative.  I became more ‘Caymanian’ in the face of so many other nationalities and in fulfilling my obligation to uphold my nationality and to teach others about my country and culture.  Trinidad and Tobago was forgotten, ‘lost in the wilderness’.  Very few of my new friends would ever know my mother was from Trinidad and Tobago.  That was alright with me because I felt more comfortable and confident in being a Caymanian: I knew Cayman, they did not.  I still did not know Trinidad and Tobago.

Soon, however, I found there was a new box that others would put me in: I was black.  This was a bit strange to me at first because my father’s skin is white and my mother’s skin is black.  My siblings and I ranged in color from creamy yellow-brown (like Bruno Mars) to brown (like Condoleezza Rice).  I discussed it with my mother over the phone and we had a big argument.  She thought she had told me I was ‘black’; she could not believe she had overlooked emphasizing to me something so important: my race.  I argued that if I allowed others to call me ‘black’, I was denying my father’s part in my creation.  She told me my dad was ‘black’ too.  I thought, “This is ludicrous!”.

My father’s skin is white.  He has blue eyes and big light-brown curls that go blond at the ends.  He has thin, non-existent lips and a ‘non-existent butt’ too (which unfortunately I inherited from him!).  To anyone who looks at him, he is white.  Even when he did his master’s in England, the English people took him for white.  My mother said that was irrelevant because his mother was black.  “One drop of black blood makes one black.”  My maternal grandmother was in fact a mulatto who was more than two-thirds white.  My maternal grandfather was a white man, descended purely from colonial whites, (so far as anyone could determine).  My mother explained that if I call myself ‘brown’, to other people it comes across as though I am ashamed of my black African heritage.  She said I should not do that because so many people had suffered and died in the past to give me the privileges and freedoms I have today.  Anyway, my mother and I had this conversation over and over many times.  For me, this realization was a process.  At first, I did not correct people calling me ‘black’.  Then, I did, telling them I was ‘brown’, not ‘black’.  Then, I finally relented and accepted it.

Strangely enough, two things distinctly affected my decision to accept being called ‘black’.  The first was that I confirmed that what my mother had said was true: when I called myself ‘brown’, rather than ‘black’, I hurt the feelings of darker skinned people.  They did not understand that I was trying to deal equally with all sides of my racial inheritance.  They instead thought that I was putting myself up on a pedestal and insinuating that I was better than them somehow, because I was not full ‘black’.  You see, in the world in which we live now and also the world during the last few centuries, ‘black mixed people’ are treated better, have more opportunities and are considered more beautiful than ‘black’ people.  In other words, ‘mulattos’ are given preferential treatment.  Thus, someone claiming ‘mulatto-hood’ is taken as an affront by other blacks.

The second event that noticeably affected my decision about my ethnicity was, ironically, after experiencing several episodes of overt racism towards me in Canada.  After those events – which I still remember distinctly – I decided that my mother was right again on the count that I should show solidarity with this oppressed people, especially because such oppression was also directed at me.  From then on, I decided that I was ‘black’ and started correcting people from calling me ‘brown’ (mostly foreign Asians and East Indians would say this to me) and telling them I was ‘black’.  These racist episodes helped me realize that ‘black’ is not a color, nor a race, but a ‘social construct’.  Because being ‘black’ is a social construct, I owed allegiance to my black ancestors for all their sacrifices and I must claim solidarity with them.  So, to this day, I am ‘black’.  Though, of course, in Cayman, the Caribbean and many parts of Hispanic America, I am called ‘brown’ and I do not dispute that.

My Gender

The Bahá’í Faith is a liberal religion.  The Bahá’í Faith is the first religion in the world to state explicitly and unequivocally all humans are equal and that men and women are equal. The Bahá’í Faith teaches that we must actively work to eliminate prejudices of all kinds, especially racial prejudices.  In fact, equality of the sexes is one of the foundational principles of the Bahá’í Faith.  The West has become more and more liberal and accepted women’s rights in many ways, though there still remains a lot to be done to achieve full equality of the genders.  With my Bahá’í upbringing and beliefs, and the fact that I grew up in the West, for the most part, my gender has not been an issue.  I was born a girl and I am still a girl.  Nevertheless, my perspective on gender is also slightly different from some of the more traditional views in the Caribbean.  For example, I do not believe women should serve men or be responsible for childcare.

These beliefs really only became an issue when I dated a young African man in university.  Although I loved him deeply, I could tell from his behavior that if we married, he expected me to do all the cooking and be solely responsible for looking after our children.  I love children and I know I will love taking care of my future children, however, I also feel that it is my moral obligation to ensure that my future children see me and my future husband acting out equal roles.  My interpretation of acting out equal gender roles is that both the husband and the wife are equally responsible for childcare, house cleaning and maintenance, and also, for bringing in income.  I do not want my children to get the idea that there are traditional roles women should play and men should play.  This determination (to present a gender-equal parental relationship to my future children) has led to me have disagreements with some of the more traditional Caribbean and Hispanic men.  I have also discovered that, in general, Africans, Asians, East Indians and Middle Easterners are likely ‘out of the question’ in terms of a life partner for me because of their gender role beliefs about women.  Notwithstanding, I am not willing to cede this point.  Thus, in this respect, gender has been an issue for me in finding my life partner.  I recently concluded that, unless my potential beau has adopted a liberal mentality in terms of gender roles, the stereotype of man who would best coincide with my sense of equality of the sexes is likely to be a European man, this, even though, I much prefer the warmth of the Hispanic and Caribbean cultures.  In general, not even North American men are sufficiently open-minded about gender roles for my tastes.

Conclusion

Ironically, I would have to say that in many respects, some of the main traits that supposedly create someone’s identity are not fixed, but instead, are based on social constructs.  (i) Nationality, when defined as your birth place, is only true if that is also where you grew up and spent your whole life.  (ii) Ethnicity, is based not only on where you are living (viz. the Caribbean, North America, or Hispanic America), but on how others perceive you.  For example, because of my sister’s creamy yellow-brown complexion, she is often taken as Latina although she does not speak a word of Spanish and I am the one who is fluent in Spanish.  Since I have been living in Costa Rica, I observed that they also have a more fluid definition of race: it is more a description of skin color than a fixed category.  Someone who has a ‘morena’ (brown-skinned) mother, but looks ‘white’ will call themselves ‘white’.  (iii) In terms of religion: I have always believed that every individual should choose their religion upon the age of maturity.  This is what I did and this is also a requirement in the Bahá’í Faith.  Thus, people can change religion.  It should not be something fixed.  For example, my mother was Catholic and my father Protestant before they decided to become Bahá’í.  (iv) Furthermore, in the modern age in which we live, one’s birth gender can be manipulated and modified and gender roles are evolving – slowly, but still evolving.  As I grew into a woman, I identified and recognized more and more injustices and inequalities of the male-female gender roles and rights.  Whereas, before, my notion of gender was that it was fixed at birth, except in unusual cases, now I believe that in many respects, one’s gender role is more of a personal decision, as is to some extent one’s ethnicity.

I much prefer the Caribbean and Hispanic American attitude toward ethnicity as a description of skin complexion and physical features.  In fact, I think there is a lot the rest of the world could learn from these regions of the world that have had racial mixing on a grand scale for five centuries.  Inversely, there is much the Caribbean and Hispanic America could learn from other parts of the West on freeing up women’s gender roles and being more open to new religions.  In my experience, we could all learn to have a more flexible attitude towards one’s nationality and nationalism or regionalism.  I believe that learning flexibility and acceptance is the true purpose of the easy flow of people worldwide: for us to learn that “We are all made from the same substance / Somos hechos de lo mismo”; we are all human, and that is what is really important.

M10U3A1 Graphic - Word Cloud 2018-10-20 version 5

Source: http://www.WordClouds.com

Reflection

  • Write a side by side reflection on a situation or time in your life when you were the outsider and then one on when you were one of the insiders and one or more outsiders were joining the group. Refer to any similarities you had with any of the examples in the article.  Each reflection should be two pages long.
  • Contrast your own experiences as an outsider and insider with examples in the assigned article and analyze the reasons for the similarities and differences.

 

Me as an ‘Outsider’ Me as an ‘Insider’
Setting:

After coming to the conclusion that a degree in civil engineering was not for me, I reevaluated my career options and determined that languages were one of my main academic passions and furthermore that language learning was an academic area I was good at and found easy.  I was already quite competent and almost fluent in Spanish but I knew I wanted to perfect my French.  I therefore chose to study in a specially designed French for non-French speakers program at a monolingual university in Quebec City where I would be immersed in the language.

What was it like being the ‘outsider’?

I quickly realized that my one year of French studies was minimal preparation and that I could barely understand anything anyone said to me or get out even one sentence to communicate anything to anyone.  Furthermore, no-one outside my program spoke English.  I did not encounter the usual difficulties in getting things done because of the exceptional efficiency of the university and the program I was in[1].  Nevertheless, it was a very lonely time because I could not communicate with most people.  I cried a lot and called home a lot and I did not go out much at first.  My mother would comfort me and remind me that this was my desire and that I was there to achieve something.

What did the others know that you did not know?

Everyone else knew how to speak the language and understand the language.  I did not.  Virtually all information is transmitted through language.  True friendships require a common language of communication.

How did they react to you?

Since I could not communicate with the Quebecker girls in my residence, the only thing I could do was smile.  I felt like an idiot and I knew I came across as slightly dim-witted too.  I was treated as I imagine a mentally challenged person is sometimes treated: I was politely included in activities and conversations even though I felt they probably did not really want me there.  Although many Quebecker students reached out to help me without my asking, the communication barrier prevented them from actually helping me much.  I received the most help from other students in my program (i.e. in the same situation) and people in my religious community – most of whom were bilingual[2].

What strategies did you apply to gain membership of the group?

I was determined to become fluent in French as quickly as possible.  I did not care so much about gaining entry to the group as accomplishing this personal goal.  My strategies were:

·        To not fall into the trap of associating exclusively with other English-speakers or Spanish-speakers.  In fact, I purposely avoided spending time with them.  I know that I may have offended many English- and especially Spanish-speakers who had reached out to me to join in their activities, but I was very focused on my goal.

·        I took the initiative to introduce myself to French-speakers and ‘attach myself’ to them.

·        I therefore obliged myself to keep the company of French-speakers even though communication between us was a struggle on both sides, and despite also sensing that I was imposing myself upon them.

·        I obliged myself to watch television and listen to the radio in French even though initially I did not understand most of it.

·        I studied lots and did extra homework.

·        I joined the hiking club and went on university trips.

·        Later on, when I became more competent in French, I began to associate with English- and Spanish-speakers again but I refused to speak English or Spanish with them.  I did not want anyone to speak English (or Spanish) to me because I was there to learn French[3].

Were you able to gain entry to the group and become a member?

I would have to say that I never really did gain entry to the group.  Although I became completely fluent in French, I could not get rid of my accent, and, of course, I also look different from the typical Quebecker (me being of Caribbean origin).  The friendships I formed there with the Quebeckers did not last, except that of my ex-boyfriend.  Although, I would say that my aim had never consciously been to gain membership to the society, I must admit that I noticed that Quebeckers more readily accepted those English- and Spanish-speakers who were able to eradicate their accent and I certainly felt some jealousy about this.

How did your perspective change after you became an ‘insider’?

I never did become an ‘insider’.  I returned to my English-speaking environment where I went on to study and graduate in finance and then work for several years in that field.  However, when I later tried to obtain a job in Quebec (as an experienced financier) so I could move back there, I perceived that my accent was perpetually a hindrance for me.  I never did get a job in Quebec.

Contrast your own experiences as an outsider and insider with examples in the assigned article and analyze the reasons for the similarities and differences.

In Angela Cora García’s 2014 “Outsider / Insider” Assignment article (pp. 458), a Russian foreign exchange student discusses their experience in the U.S.: They mention the fear they had of doing something wrong and accidentally offending someone and then possibly being ostracized.  The student then goes on to say that even though they made many mistakes, their American friends would only laugh it off and never punished them for their ignorance.  I would have to say that their experience is probably the most similar to my experience learning French in Quebec City.  My friends or acquaintances were also very indulgent to and forgiving towards me in my blunders, and would often laugh at me in a non-malicious way.  Contrastingly, I was mostly fearless in my attitude.  What fears and shame I did have, I ruthlessly pushed down using ‘self-talk’[4] in order to achieve my purpose of fluency in the language.  Despite this, even though I knew my friends laughed at me in a friendly way, sometimes, it would still hurt my feelings because I would feel incompetent and stupid, so I would go to my room after and feel sorry for myself and cry.

Setting:

The setting was my taekwondo dojang (school) when I was seventeen years old.  I had been training in taekwondo for several years and had moved on from the teen class to the adult class.  Our class consisted of about twenty students, mostly young adult males.  There were about three other teenaged girls (between a year or three years younger than me) and one woman in her thirties who attended occasionally.  Then, a new twenty-four year old student named Ricardo joined our class.  He had recently moved to Cayman from Costa Rica and did not speak any English.

What was it like being the ‘insider’?

As an ‘insider’ and as one of the more senior students, the taekwondo instructor would often ask me to do the warm-up and lead various parts of the lesson: he would entrust me and other senior students with the responsibility of being in charge of the lesson.  I felt completely comfortable and accepted in the class and I was supremely confident in my abilities.

What did you and others know that the newcomer did not?

We knew where all the equipment and uniforms were stored at the school, where light switches were, how to work the air conditioner and the integrated stereo system.  We knew the terminology for all the moves (in English) and most of us also knew their Korean translations.  We knew most or all of the basic taekwondo stances, kicks, punches and blocks and some of the forms.  Whereas, Ricardo was a beginner in taekwondo.  In addition, we spoke English.  The newcomer, Ricardo, did not: he only spoke Spanish.

How did you and others react to them [i.e. the ‘outsider’]?

In my opinion, everyone was very welcoming to him.  He came across as a quiet type by nature, although obviously he could not communicate much in English.  He smiled a lot and seemed very friendly and easy-going and so everyone accepted him quite readily.  The instructor was American and monolingual.  Nevertheless, about a third of the class was bilingual, including me.  The student who had convinced Ricardo to join taekwondo was another Costa Rican, named Jorge who had been in the school for between a year and a year and a half.  Jorge was married to a Caymanian woman and his English was at about an intermediate level.  When Jorge was in class, he would mostly speak to Ricardo in Spanish.  However, Jorge’s work schedule did not allow him to attend class as often as Ricardo could and did.  This turned out to be beneficial for Ricardo because it gave him the opportunity to learn English.  When Jorge was absent, some students would supply translations of words or succinct explanations in Spanish for Ricardo during class, but for the most part, he would have to figure out what we were doing by watching the actions.

What strategies (if any) did you apply in your interactions with the ‘outsider’?

I would usually speak with Ricardo in Spanish.

Was the ‘outsider’ able to gain entry to the group and become a member?

Yes and no.  After over a year of training, the competence that accompanied that and with improved English, Ricardo was definitely considered a solid member of the taekwondo school.  However, I would not say that he managed to integrate into the Caymanian society within the first few years.  After that, I lost touch with him and I am not sure how integrated he has become, though I know he still lives in Cayman.

How did your perception of them change after they became an ‘insider’?

I had a very positive perception of Ricardo from the beginning.  Not only did he seem really easy-going and like a friendly, polite and gentlemanly person, he was quite handsome!  In addition, he was twenty-four at the time and I was seventeen, so I naturally had a big crush on him.  Nevertheless, I was not oblivious to the fact that although everyone else was quite friendly to him, the guys in the class never went out of their way to become his friend outside of taekwondo.  They would chat and laugh with him on the bench before and after class, and say “hi” and give him a friendly hug if they saw him on the street, but that was the limit of their interaction.  Nevertheless, I am sure that if he had asked them for any favor, they would certainly have readily obliged him.  However, the male students already had their own friendship groups (several different groups, in fact) and Ricardo was not part of those.  Still, to put things in perspective, I never hung out with any of the other teenaged girls or the men who were taekwondo students either.

Contrast your own experiences as an outsider and insider with examples in the assigned article and analyze the reasons for the similarities and differences.

I surmise that Ricardo’s experience was probably very similar to that described by an Australian foreign exchange student in the U.S. in Angela Cora García’s 2014 “Outsider / Insider” Assignment article (pp. 456 – 457).  That student said: “I had […] misconceptions about coming abroad to study.  I thought […] it would be really easy for me to fit in.  I had no idea going into it how I was going to feel about initially having no friends and family around to talk to, hang out with and lean on.  I felt no familiarity with anything or anyone whatsoever.  Having to build new relationships from scratch is a difficult thing.”  Angela García says people who move to a different country for whatever reason often find the transition to a new society difficult and that these challenges result in unexpected emotional stresses.  I think her statement is quite logical and evident.  Although Ricardo did not confide in me about experiencing any of these stresses, I am sure he did.  This is probably why Jorge consistently went out of his way to help Ricardo in many ways: he wanted to ease Ricardo’s transition.  I perceived that they had a friendship of sorts where Ricardo obviously felt very indebted to Jorge.

My experience as an ‘insider’ was similar to that described by the Irish Step Dance student in Angela Cora García’s 2014 “Outsider / Insider” Assignment article (pp. 458).  One major difference is that our instructor did not pair the newcomer, Ricardo up with anyone and definitely not with me, so I was not serving towards him in any mentoring capacity.  Despite the instructor not interfering, Jorge and Ricardo paired themselves up.  Another difference is that Jorge was not yet an advanced student who knew the ropes on everything.  Rather, he was still a relatively new student.  I do believe that Jorge was a good mentor to Ricardo.  Nevertheless, it might have been more beneficial to both Ricardo and to some of the other male students (in terms of their intercultural development) if the instructor had stepped in and asked one of them to serve as Ricardo’s mentor and take him out, make the effort to involve him in their social activities, etc.  Perhaps then, Ricardo would have assimilated to a greater extent.  I do happen to know that Ricardo later married a Caymanian woman and they had a son together and that they are still married and living in Cayman.

 

[1]     Since the program was very well-established and had been designed for non-French speakers they had provided us with all the information we needed in our native language as well as in French (e.g. English, Spanish, Portuguese, Japanese, Korean, etc.).  Everything I had to do was clearly indicated in English in the papers and in brochures with maps and graphics that I had received.  E.g. Where to go and what to do to pay my tuition, move into my residence room, etc.  Furthermore, the campus was fully integrated with all one’s needs, such as medical clinic, supermarket, police, cinema, hair salon, etc. and the hospital (for emergency care) was across the street.

[2]     Multilingual competence is encouraged in my religion [the Bahá’í Faith].

[3]     Interestingly, towards the end of my fourth year in university I began to forget English (both oral and written) and was occasionally unable to produce it in my phone conversations with my Mom.  At that point, I got worried and actively started speaking English again.

[4]     I would say things to myself like “There’s no need to be embarrassed, Roberta, you don’t know them anyway and they don’t know you.  Think of how crazy tourists act when they go on vacation.  They don’t care because they don’t know anyone there.  Act like that too.”.

References

Brown, Lorraine.  (2009).  International Education: A Force for Peace and Cross-Cultural Understanding?  17 pages.  Bournemouth University, Bournemouth, U.K.  Retrieved from http://eprints.bournemouth.ac.uk/10121/2/journal_for_peace_education.pdf

García, Angela Cora.  (2014).  The “Outsider/Insider” Assignment: A Pedagogical Innovation for Teaching Cross-Cultural Understanding.  International Journal of Teaching and Learning in Higher Education.  Volume 26, Number 3, pp. 453-462.  Bentley University.  Retrieved from http://www.isetl.org/ijtlhe/

Ladson-Billings, Gloria.  (2015-04-08).  Critical Race Theory and Education.  UNC Asheville (UNCA) Ramsey Library Video Production.  Duration 01:32:54.  Retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=katwPTn-nhE

Maalouf, Amin.  (n.d.)  A New Concept of Identity: Global Immigration.  Facing History.  Civil Dilemmas.  Retrieved from https://www.facinghistory.org/civic-dilemmas/new-concept-identity

Pollock, Mica.  (2012-03-15).  Adopting an Anti-Racist Framework.  Teaching Tolerance.  Duration 01:04.  Retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RV3vvhQ5xf8

Robbins, Charles L.  (2014-12-17).  Social Justice – Is It Still Relevant in the 21st Century?  TEDxSBU.  TEDx Talks.  Duration 18:23.  Retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Wtroop739uU

Suárez-Orozco, Carola.  (2003-02).  Formulating Identity in a Globalized World.  In: Globalization: Culture & Education in the New Millennium.  25 pages.  Marcelo M. Suárez-Orozco & Desiree Qin-Hilliard (Editors).  University of California Press & Ross Institute.  Retrieved from http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/download?doi=10.1.1.692.1108&rep=rep1&type=pdf

Yasameen.  (2006).  Facing History Student Yasameen Talks About her Heritage.  Facing History and Ourselves.  2006 Los Angeles Benefit Dinner.  Published 2009-03-19.  Duration 03:14.  Retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gnlqgv7kv30&feature=player_embedded

M10U2A3 My Research Question

My Research Question: Self-Defined Project
• Your Research Question Needs to Be: Sufficiently specific and should focus on improving teaching practice.

My research question: “Does the surname only format of A.P.A. (the American Psychological Association) referencing lead to the assumption that authors are predominantly male?” My hypothesis is “yes”.

If the conclusion of my research question supports my hypothesis, and if society (viz. specifically the A.P.A.) decides to act on it to change the current convention, I believe the changes made will have a positive impact on both the general societal perception and the self-perception of girls and women as equals in academic areas. Although my research question will not focus on improving teaching practice directly, I believe it will bring back awareness of how we are still, in the twenty-first century, excluding to some extent or reducing the visibility of women in academia and lead to a conversation among teachers on how they might also be unintentionally doing this within their classrooms. The question is not whether or not this exclusion or reduction in visibility is intentional, but rather, what can be done to remedy the situation once it is established that this is indeed the case. I anticipate that my research will lead to other studies being conducted that explore ways in which females are made invisible or less visible due to conventions and language use, and demonstrate that supposedly gender neutral terms are not necessarily the way to go at this time due to the prior mental conditioning of our societies resulting in many supposedly gender neutral terms being interpreted in the masculine form. I will focus mainly on educational, psychological researchers and researchers in the humanities fields.
• The Importance of My Research Question: Candidate has made a convincing case for the importance of their research question.

This research is important because it has been shown that there is a “general problem of women’s ‘invisibility’ in philosophic discourse”, and furthermore, “some empirical data on sexist language indicate that if women are not specifically included (e.g. through using females in examples, […]), [then], even genuinely gender-neutral prose […] tends to be heard as referring to males only” (Warren, 1986). The last quote is extremely important. It is not enough to simply make prose neutral, because in the world in which we live today, most people will subconsciously interpret the neutral forms as referring to males only.

• The Rationale for My Research Question: Candidate has produced a well-developed, well-written rationale for their research question that refers to related research on the topic.

I intend to put forth data about people’s assumptions that most educational researchers are male (whether or not this be true), and demonstrate that the supposedly neutral APA referencing format currently used is (a) not neutral at all due to the way in which English, Spanish and French surnames were created, and (b) that even when surnames are neutral, our societal conditioning leads us to assume the person is male in many circumstances if the forename is absent.

The specific A.P.A. formattings I intend to address are (i) bibliological and (ii) the short-form quote or paraphrasing referencing within the body of a paragraph. E.g.

(i) Warren, V. L. (1986-02). Guidelines for Non-Sexist Use of Language. APA Committee on the Status of Women in the Profession. Proceedings and Addresses of the American Philosophical Association. Vol. 59, No. 3, pp. 471-482. Chapman College. Retrieved from http://www.apaonlinecsw.org/apa-guidelines-for-non-sexist-use-of-language

(ii) (Warren, 1986)

It has been shown that “omitting women’s distinctive interests and experience also perpetuates sexual stereotypes” (Warren, 1986). I believe that simply ‘omitting women’ also perpetuates sexual stereotypes. To be clear, I am not referring to the use of ‘he’ or ‘she’ or ‘him’ or ‘her’. I will not address the impression of foreign surnames of Chinese, Korean, Japanese, Thai or other Oriental Asian origin except in the most superficial way, but I will include to a lesser extent some surnames of East Indian origin.

• The Context of the School in which the Proposed Research will be Conducted: Candidate has analyzed the demographics of the students and community, the curriculum, the type of school, and other factors about the school that could impact the proposed research.
I would like to conduct my research both at the school where I am employed and at the local university. At my school, I will give both children and adults questionnaires to respond to. At the university, I will give out questionnaires to both students and faculty.

M10U2A3 Institution Information Table 2018-08-05

References
American Psychological Association (APA). APA Style. http://www.APA.org and http://www.APAStyle.org

Government of the United Kingdom. (n.d.) U.K. Curriculum and Qualifications. Retrieved from https://www.gov.uk/topic/schools-colleges-childrens-services/curriculum-qualifications

OFSTED. (2012-01-11). School Inspection Report: Cunningham Hill Junior School. The Office for Standards in Education, Children’s Services and Skills (OfStEd). Retrieved from https://reports.ofsted.gov.uk/inspection-reports/find-inspection-report/provider/ELS/117250

Warren, Virginia L. (1986-02). Guidelines for Non-Sexist Use of Language. APA Committee on the Status of Women in the Profession. Proceedings and Addresses of the American Philosophical Association. Vol. 59, No. 3, pp. 471-482. Chapman College. Retrieved from http://www.apaonlinecsw.org/apa-guidelines-for-non-sexist-use-of-language

West, Jevin D.; Jacquet, Jennifer; King, Molly M.; Correll, Shelley J. & Bergstrom, Carl T. (2013). The Role of Gender in Scholarly Authorship. Editor: Lilach Hadany. PLoS One, Vol. 8, No. 7. Published online 2013-07-22. doi: 10.1371/journal.pone.0066212 Retrieved from: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3718784/

M10U1A1 Cross-Cultural Terminology

Discussion on International Mindedness, Intercultural Literacy and Global Competence

My definition of ‘international mindedness’ is when one understands that one’s own perspective, values and experiences may be only one of multiple possibilities in the world.  An internationally minded person is also able to question the suitability of one’s own and others’ perspectives while seeing value in all perspectives, value systems and experiences.

I define ‘intercultural literacy’ is when one is able to navigate – and importantly: feels comfortable navigating – between and within multiple cultures and or languages.  My definition of language and culture includes dialects such as Ebonics, Creole English and Pidgeon English versus standard English.

In my opinion, ‘global competence’ is when one has mastered the tools and skills (both intellectual and social) to investigate, discover and apply alternate perspectives and solutions from international sources.  This requires an awareness of the existence other cultures, but does not necessarily require one to demonstrate much respect for or to learn anything significant about these cultures.  In other words, one need not necessarily be ‘internationally minded’ in order to be globally competent.

M10U1A1 Venn Diagram for International Mindedness, Intercultural Literacy & Global Competency

Comparing and Contrasting International Mindedness, Intercultural Literacy and Global Competence and How They Are Incorporated into the School Curriculum

According to Arathi Sriprakash, Michael Singh and Qi Jing (2014), learning to be ‘internationally minded’ is sometimes conceptualized as a sort of “Western cultural capital” that can be marketed to parents and students.  When defines in this sense, ‘international mindedness’ converges towards an idea of ‘global competence’ with a certain amount of ‘intercultural literacy’ thrown into the mix – but only as the latter [intercultural literacy] pertains to being able to successfully meander Western academic systems and societies.  Nonetheless, I prefer my definition of international mindedness [given above] because it leans towards a liberal, more inclusive view of it as being similar to open-mindedness.  Being internationally minded is more like an attitude; it is a liberally accepting value system.  Such a concept could be taught in schools in a subtle fashion through the way in which subjects and themes are presented and by encouraging a constant awareness of the impact of one’s actions on others.  An internationally minded person might also be expected to be an environmentalist and a community activist.  An internationally minded person is not only aware of others’ perspectives and backgrounds, but is well-versed in and respectful of cultural norms, though they will usually be humble enough to not consider themselves an expert in these things.  Internationally minded persons use and wield their knowledge cautiously.  This latter point marks the contrast between a person who is globally competent, but not necessarily international minded.  Such a person will use the information they source, but not necessarily be as respectful, interculturally literate or sensitive in how this knowledge is used.  Global competence, in my eyes, is a more capitalistic motivated notion of culture.

Still, in my opinion, all three of theses concepts could accurately be described as commodities being marketed to middle-class parents and students in order to guarantee those students’ success in a globalized world economy.  Nevertheless, my impression is that intercultural literacy would be the most elusive of these three skill sets because it can only be fully achieved through immersion in another culture, e.g. such as through a foreign exchange or living abroad experience (see Mark Heyward’s 2002 essay about intercultural literacy and ‘third culture kids’).  On the other hand, global competence, is the most purely academic of the skill sets.  Being globally competent consists in being able to complete a set of tasks in a specific and measurable way.  It is the cultural component which can best be achieved directly through the school system because global competency can be taught in classrooms.  Most of the ‘Twenty-First Century skills’ directly relate to global competency.

Global Competence 02

Source: Boix Mansilla, Veronica & Jackson, Anthony.  (2011).  “Chapter 2: Understanding the World through Disciplinary and Interdisciplinary Study”.  Educating for Global Competence: Preparing Our Youth  to Engage the World.  Council of Chief State School Officers’ (CCSSO’s) EdSteps Initiative & Asia Society Partnership for Global Learning.  136 pgs.  New York, New York & Washington, D.C., U.S.A.  Retrieved from http://www.ccsso.org, http://www.edsteps.org or http://www.asiasociety.org/education.

Global competencies applied to the World

What are the benefits, pitfalls, and arguments against education with an international focus?

Benefits of education with an international focus: reduction in prejudices, easier adjustment to living overseas, less likely to offend people of other cultures (more culturally sensitive), learning to value diverse perspectives, a greater understanding of the motive behind and impact of international events.

Pitfalls: false impression of self as being ‘international-minded’, the only way to truly become internationally-minded is to live overseas for a period of time.

Arguments against: living overseas for a period of time is an expensive option and is only available to elites.

What are reasons why you as an educator may support ideas against international-mindedness (IM), intercultural literacy (IL), and or global competence (GC)?

Arguments against international-mindedness: The homogenization of ideas into them all being internationally focused.  In my opinion, it is worth focusing on some local ideas because this is the only way that many minority cultures can be preserved and promoted, thus preserving diversity in perspectives.

Arguments against intercultural literacy or global competency: It is numerically impossible to become culturally literate in every culture.  Therefore, in which cultures do we choose to become interculturally literate and which ones do we disregard?  What would be the justifications for these decisions?  Can we be sure that the selection of those cultures to learn would not be biased by the economic benefit which could be derived from them, or similar capitalistic motivations?

Another point worth mentioning, is that put forward by Nicholas Alchin*, the high school principal at the United World College of South East Asia, in a newsletter to parents, there is also the danger of being able to justify any and all perspectives based on them being culturally valid behaviors.  This is dangerous because, human rights must be considered absolute rights to be defended at all costs and in all situations and contexts.  In the opposite case, human rights versus cultural rights becomes very confusing.

* Nicholas Alchin is the High School Principal at the United World College of South East Asia (UWCSEA).  In a newsletter he wrote to UWCSEA parents, Nicholas Alchin explains how an IB student’s essay raised issues about open-mindedness.

What are reasons why you as an educator would support the integration of international mindedness (IM), intercultural literacy (IL), and global competence (GC) into curricula?

Reasons to support the integration of international-mindedness: It is beneficial to temper one’s natural tendency to assume that one’s knowledge and culture contains the absolute right and single answer on every topic.  An open-minded attitude promotes peace, harmony, sympathy and the willingness to listen to other perspectives and think about and consider things before making decisions.  Intercultural literacy takes international mindedness one step further because more is understood about the reasons behind specific perspectives which differ from one’s own, and one is able to achieve empathy and become more flexible and perhaps even establish a consensus on opinions.  Global competence, in my opinion, provides the skills, abilities and impetus to actively discover these differing perspectives and ways of doing things.  All three together result in an individual and perhaps even in a community that can create unity in diversity – a necessary step for achieving world peace, and ‘just and considerate’ decision-making.

 

References

Alchin, Nicholas.  (Summer-Winter 2014).  “Tolerance is Good – But the Need to Question Remains”.  International School, Vol. 16, Issue no. 3.  John Catt Educational Ltd., a member of the Independent Publishers Guild (IPG).  Suffolk, England, U.K.  Retrieved from http://www.johncatt.com/downloads/is16_3/offline/download.pdf

Boix Mansilla, Veronica & Jackson, Anthony.  (2011).  Educating for Global Competence: Preparing Our Youth  to Engage the World.  Council of Chief State School Officers’ (CCSSO’s) EdSteps Initiative & Asia Society Partnership for Global Learning.  136 pgs.  New York, New York & Washington, D.C., U.S.A.  Retrieved from www.ccsso.org, www.edsteps.org or www.asiasociety.org/education.

Drake, Barry.  (2004).  International Education and IB Programmes: Worldwide Expansion and Potential Cultural Dissonance.  Journal of Research in International Education (JRIE).  Vol 3 (2), pp. 189 – 205.  International Baccalaureate Organization & Sage Publications.  The Chinese International School.  Hong Kong, China.

Heyward, Mark.  (2002).  From International to Intercultural: Redefining the International School for a Globalized World.  Journal of Research in International Education (JRIE).  Vol. 1 (1); pp. 9-32.  International Baccalaureate Organization & Sage Publications.  Lombok, Indonesia.

Sriprakash, Arathi; Singh, Michael & Jing, Qi.  (2014).  A Comparative Study of International mindedness in the IB Diploma Programme in Australia, China and India.  Faculty of Education and Social Work, The University of Sydney.  Sydney, Australia.

van Oord, Lodewijk.  (2007).  To Westernize the Nations?  An Analysis of the International Baccalaureate’s Philosophy of Education.  Atlantic College, United World Colleges.  Wales, U.K.  Cambridge Journal of Education. 37:3, 375-390, DOI: 10.1080/03057640701546680.  Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group.  Retrieved from http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/ccje20 and http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057640701546680